{"id":75,"date":"2017-12-06T16:33:45","date_gmt":"2017-12-06T16:33:45","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/suny-culturalanthropology\/chapter\/fieldwork\/"},"modified":"2018-03-19T17:54:53","modified_gmt":"2018-03-19T17:54:53","slug":"fieldwork","status":"publish","type":"chapter","link":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/suny-esc-culturalanthropology\/chapter\/fieldwork\/","title":{"raw":"Chapter 2 - Doing Fieldwork: Methods in Cultural Anthropology","rendered":"Chapter 2 &#8211; Doing Fieldwork: Methods in Cultural Anthropology"},"content":{"raw":"<div id=\"_idContainer051\" class=\"Basic-Text-Frame\">\r\n<h3 class=\"Author\"><span class=\"CharOverride-1\"><a href=\"http:\/\/kanelson.com\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><em>Katie Nelson, Inver Hills Community College<\/em><\/a>\r\n<\/span><\/h3>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<div id=\"_idContainer052\" class=\"Basic-Text-Frame\">\r\n<div class=\"textbox learning-objectives\">\r\n<h3>Learning Objectives<\/h3>\r\n<div id=\"_idContainer052\" class=\"Basic-Text-Frame\">\r\n<ul>\r\n \t<li class=\"Learning-Objectives\">Discuss what is unique about ethnographic fieldwork and how it emerged as a key strategy in anthropology.<\/li>\r\n \t<li class=\"Learning-Objectives\">Identify some of the contemporary ethnographic fieldwork techniques and perspectives.<\/li>\r\n \t<li class=\"Learning-Objectives\">Discuss some of the ethical considerations in doing anthropological fieldwork.<\/li>\r\n<\/ul>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<div id=\"_idContainer091\" class=\"_idGenObjectStyleOverride-1\">\r\n<h2 class=\"H1\">FINDING THE FIELD<\/h2>\r\n<div class=\"_idGenObjectLayout-1\">\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_50\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"207\"]<img class=\"wp-image-50 size-medium\" src=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2795\/2017\/12\/06163310\/fieldwork_figure_1-e1512670787396-207x300.png\" alt=\" \" width=\"207\" height=\"300\" \/> Figure 1: Children playing outside a home on the Jenipapo-Kanind\u00e9 Reservation, 2001.[\/caption]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<p class=\"Normal ParaOverride-1\">My first experience with fieldwork as a student anthropologist took place in a small <em>indigenous<\/em> community in <a href=\"https:\/\/www.google.com\/maps\/place\/State+of+Cear%C3%A1,+Brazil\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span class=\"Hyperlink\">northeastern Brazil<\/span><\/a> studying the Jenipapo-Kanind\u00e9 of <em>Lagoa Encantada<\/em> (Enchanted Lake). I had planned to conduct an independent research project on <em>land tenure<\/em> among members of the indigenous tribe and had gotten permission to spend several months with the community. My Brazilian host family arranged for a relative to drive me to the rural community on the back of his motorcycle. After several hours navigating a series of bumpy roads in blazing equatorial heat, I was relieved to arrive at the edge of the reservation. He cut the motor and I removed my heavy backpack from my tired, sweaty back. Upon hearing us arrive, first children and then adults slowly and shyly began to approach us. I greeted the curious onlookers and briefly explained who I was. As a group of children ran to fetch the <em>cacique<\/em> (the chief\/political leader), I began to explain my research agenda to several of the men who had gathered. I mentioned that I was interested in learning about how the tribe negotiated land use rights without any private land ownership. After hearing me use the colloquial term \u201c<em><span class=\"CharOverride-1\" xml:lang=\"ar-SA\">\u00ed<\/span>ndio<\/em>\u201d (Indian), a man who turned out to be the <em>cacique\u2019s<\/em> cousin came forward and said to me, \u201cWell, your work is going to be difficult because there are no Indians here; we are only Brazilians.\u201d Then, abruptly, another man angrily replied to him, stating firmly that, in fact, they were Indians because the community was on an Indian reservation and the Brazilian government had recognized them as an indigenous tribe. A few women then entered the rapid-fire discussion. I took a step back, surprised by the intensity of my first interaction in the community. The debate subsided once the <em>cacique<\/em> arrived, but it left a strong impression in my mind. Eventually, I discarded my original research plan to focus instead on this disagreement within the community about who they were and were not. In anthropology, this type of conflict in beliefs is known as <strong>contested identity<\/strong>.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<div class=\"_idGenObjectLayout-1\">\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_54\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"300\"]<img class=\"wp-image-54 size-medium\" src=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2795\/2017\/12\/06163315\/fieldwork_figure_2-e1512670844410-300x194.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"300\" height=\"194\" \/> Figure 2: Author Katie Nelson (center) with her Brazilian host family, 2001.[\/caption]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">I soon learned that many among the Jenipapo-Kanind\u00e9 did not embrace the Indian identity label. The tribe members were all monolingual Portuguese-speakers who long ago had lost their original language and many of their traditions. Beginning in the 1980s, several local researchers had conducted studies in the community and had concluded that the community had indigenous origins. Those researchers lobbied on the community\u2019s behalf for official state and federal status as an indigenous reservation, and in 1997 the Funai (<em>Funda\u00e7\u00e3o Nacional do <span class=\"CharOverride-1\" xml:lang=\"ar-SA\">\u00cdndio<\/span><\/em> or National Foundation for the Indian) visited the community and agreed to officially demarcate the land as an indigenous reservation. More than 20 years later, the community is still waiting for that demarcation. Some in the community embraced indigenous status because it came with a number of benefits. The state (Cear\u00e1), using partial funding from Funai, built a new road to improve access to the community. The government also constructed an elementary school and a common well and installed new electric lines. Despite those gains, some members of the community did not embrace indigenous status because being considered Indian had a pejorative connotation in Brazil. Many felt that the label stigmatized them by associating them with a poor and marginalized class of Brazilians. Others resisted the label because of long-standing family and inter-personal conflicts in the community.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<div class=\"_idGenObjectLayout-1\">\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_592\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"171\"]<img class=\"wp-image-592 size-full\" src=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2795\/2017\/12\/08150625\/fieldwork_figure_3-e1512745363252.png\" alt=\" \" width=\"171\" height=\"255\" \/> Figure 3: A young Jenipapo-Kanind\u00e9 boy shows off his grass skirt prior to a community dance, 2001.[\/caption]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Fieldwork is the most important method by which cultural anthropologists gather data to answer their research questions. While interacting on a daily basis with a group of people, cultural anthropologists document their observations and perceptions and adjust the focus of their research as needed. They typically spend a few months to a few years living among the people they are studying.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">The \u201cfield\u201d can be anywhere the people are\u2014a village in highland Papua New Guinea or a supermarket in downtown Minneapolis. Just as marine biologists spend time in the ocean to learn about the behavior of marine animals and geologists travel to a mountain range to observe rock formations, anthropologists go to places where people are.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<div class=\"textbox shaded\">\r\n<h4 class=\"Text-Box-head\">Doing Anthropology<\/h4>\r\n<p class=\"Text-Box-para-first-last\">In this short film, Stefan Helmreich, Erica James, and Heather Paxson, three members of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology\u2019s Anthropology Department, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=BhCruPBvSjQ\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span class=\"Hyperlink\">talk about their current work and the process of doing fieldwork<\/span><\/a>.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<h3 class=\"H2-below-TB-LO\">Making the Strange Familiar and the Familiar Strange<\/h3>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">The cultural anthropologist\u2019s goal during fieldwork is to describe a group of people to others in a way that makes strange or unusual features of the culture seem familiar and familiar traits seem extraordinary. The point is to help people think in new ways about aspects of their own culture by comparing them with other cultures. The research anthropologist Margaret Mead describes in her monograph <em><a href=\"https:\/\/archive.org\/details\/comingofageinsam00mead\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span class=\"Hyperlink CharOverride-1\">Coming of Age in Samoa<\/span> <\/a><\/em>(1928) is a famous example of this. In 1925, Mead went to American Samoa, where she conducted ethnographic research on adolescent girls and their experiences with sexuality and growing up. Mead\u2019s mentor, anthropologist Franz Boas, was a strong proponent of cultural determinism, the idea that one\u2019s cultural upbringing and social environment, rather than one\u2019s biology, primarily determine behavior. Boas encouraged Mead to travel to Samoa to study adolescent behavior there and to compare their culture and behavior with that of adolescents in the United States to lend support to his hypothesis. In the foreword of <em><span class=\"CharOverride-4\">Coming of Age in Samoa<\/span><\/em>, Boas described what he saw as the key insight of her research: \u201cThe results of her painstaking investigation confirm the suspicion long held by anthropologists that much of what we ascribe to human nature is no more than a reaction to the restraints put upon us by our civilization.\u201d<span class=\"Endnote-reference CharOverride-5\">[footnote]Franz Boas, \u201cForeward,\u201d in <em>Coming of Age in Samoa<\/em> by Margaret Mead (New York: William Morrow, 1928).[\/footnote]\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Mead studied 25 young women in three villages in Samoa and found that the stress, anxiety, and turmoil of American adolescence were not found among Samoan youth. Rather, young women in Samoa experienced a smooth transition to adulthood with relatively little stress or difficulty. She documented instances of socially accepted sexual experimentation, lack of sexual jealousy and rape, and a general sense of casualness that marked Samoan adolescence. <em>Coming of Age in Samoa<\/em> quickly became popular, launching Mead\u2019s career as one of the most well-known anthropologists in the United States and perhaps the world. The book encouraged American readers to reconsider their own cultural assumptions about what adolescence in the United States should be like, particularly in terms of the sexual repression and turmoil that seemed to characterize the teenage experience in mid-twentieth century America. Through her analysis of the differences between Samoan and American society, Mead also persuasively called for changes in education and parenting for U.S. children and adolescents.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Another classic example of a style of anthropological writing that attempted to make the familiar strange and encouraged readers to consider their own cultures in a different way is Horace Miner\u2019s <em><a href=\"http:\/\/onlinelibrary.wiley.com\/doi\/10.1525\/aa.1956.58.3.02a00080\/abstract\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span class=\"Hyperlink CharOverride-1\">Body Ritual among the Nacirema<\/span><\/a><\/em> (1956). The essay described oral hygiene practices of the Nacirema (\u201cAmerican\u201d spelled backward) in a way that, to cultural insiders, sounded extreme, exaggerated, and out of context. He presented the Nacirema as if they were a little-known cultural group with strange, exotic practices. Miner wrote the essay during an era in which anthropologists were just beginning to expand their focus beyond small-scale traditional societies far from home to large-scale post-industrial societies such as the United States. He wrote the essay primarily as a satire of how anthropologists often wrote about \u201cthe Other\u201d in ways that made other cultures seem exotic and glossed over features that the Other had in common with the anthropologist\u2019s culture. The essay also challenged U.S. readers in general and anthropologists in particular to think differently about their own cultures and re-examine their cultural assumptions about what is \u201cnormal.\u201d<\/p>\r\n\r\n<h3 class=\"H2\">Emic and Etic Perspectives<\/h3>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">When anthropologists conduct fieldwork, they gather data. An important tool for gathering anthropological data is <strong>ethnography<\/strong>\u2014the in-depth study of everyday practices and lives of a people. Ethnography produces a detailed description of the studied group at a particular time and location, also known as a \u201c<strong><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">thick description<\/span>,<\/strong>\u201d a term coined by anthropologist Clifford Geertz in his 1973 book <em>The Interpretation of Cultures<\/em> to describe this type of research and writing. A thick description explains not only the behavior or cultural event in question but also the context in which it occurs and anthropological interpretations of it. Such descriptions help readers better understand the internal logic of why people in a culture behave as they do and why the behaviors are meaningful to them. This is important because understanding the attitudes, perspectives, and motivations of cultural insiders is at the heart of anthropology.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Ethnographers gather data from many different sources. One source is the anthropologist\u2019s own observations and thoughts. Ethnographers keep field notebooks that document their ideas and reflections as well as what they do and observe when participating in activities with the people they are studying, a research technique known as <strong>participant observation<\/strong><em>.<\/em> Other sources of data include informal conversations and more-formal interviews that are recorded and transcribed. They also collect documents such as letters, photographs, artifacts, public records, books, and reports.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Different types of data produce different kinds of ethnographic descriptions, which also vary in terms of perspective\u2014from the perspective of the studied culture (<span class=\"CharOverride-2\"><strong>emic<\/strong>)<\/span> or from the perspective of the observer (<strong><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">etic<\/span><\/strong>). Emic perspectives refer to descriptions of behaviors and beliefs in terms that are meaningful to people who belong to a specific culture, e.g., how people perceive and categorize their culture and experiences, why people believe they do what they do, how they imagine and explain things. To uncover emic perspectives, ethnographers talk to people, observe what they do, and participate in their daily activities with them. Emic perspectives are essential for anthropologists\u2019 efforts to obtain a detailed understanding of a culture and to avoid interpreting others through their own cultural beliefs.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Etic perspectives refer to explanations for behavior made by an outside observer in ways that are meaningful to the observer. For an anthropologist, etic descriptions typically arise from conversations between the ethnographer and the anthropological community. These explanations tend to be based in science and are informed by historical, political, and economic studies and other types of research. The etic approach acknowledges that members of a culture are unlikely to view the things they do as noteworthy or unusual. They cannot easily stand back and view their own behavior objectively or from another perspective. For example, you may have never thought twice about the way you brush your teeth and the practice of going to the dentist or how you experienced your teenage years. For you, these parts of your culture are so normal and \u201cnatural\u201d you probably would never consider questioning them. An emic lens gives us an alternative perspective that is essential when constructing a comprehensive view of a people.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Most often, ethnographers include both emic and etic perspectives in their research and writing. They first uncover a studied people\u2019s understanding of what they do and why and then develop additional explanations for the behavior based on anthropological theory and analysis. Both perspectives are important, and it can be challenging to move back and forth between the two. Nevertheless, that is exactly what good ethnographers must do.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<h2 class=\"H1\">ETHNOGRAPHY TODAY<\/h2>\r\n<h3 class=\"H2-below-H1\">Anthropology\u2019s Distinctive Research Strategy<\/h3>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Ethnography is cultural anthropology\u2019s distinctive research strategy. It was originally developed by anthropologists to study small-scale, relatively isolated cultural groups. Typically, those groups had relatively simple economies and technologies and limited access to larger, more technologically advanced societies. Early ethnographers sought to understand the entirety of a particular culture. They spent months to years living in the community, and in that time, they documented in great detail every dimension of people\u2019s lives, including their language, subsistence strategies, political systems, formation of families and marriages, and religious beliefs. This was important because it helped researchers appreciate the interconnectedness of all dimensions of social life. The key to the success of this ethnographic approach was not only to spend considerable time observing people in their home settings engaged in day-to-day activities but also to participate in those activities. Participation informed an emic perspective of the culture, something that had been missing in earlier social science research.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal ParaOverride-3\">Because of how useful the ethnographic research strategy is in developing an emic perspective, it has been adopted by many other disciplines including sociology, education, psychology, and political science. Education researchers, for example, use ethnography to study children in classrooms to identify their learning strategies and how they understand and make sense of learning experiences. Sociologists use ethnography to study emerging social movements and how participants in such movements stay motivated and connected despite their sometimes-conflicting goals.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<h3 class=\"H2\">New Sites for Ethnographic Fieldwork<\/h3>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Like the cultures and peoples studied, anthropology and ethnography are evolving. Field sites for ethnographic research are no longer exclusively located in far-flung, isolated, non-industrialized societies. Increasingly, anthropologists are conducting ethnographic research in complex, technologically advanced societies such as the United States and in urban environments elsewhere in the world. For instance, my doctoral research took place in the United States. I studied identity formation among <strong>undocumented<\/strong> Mexican immigrant college students in Minnesota. Because some of my informants were living in Mexico when my fieldwork ended, I also traveled to Veracruz, Mexico, and spent time conducting research there. Often, anthropologists who study migration, <strong>diasporas<\/strong>, and people in motion must conduct research in multiple locations. This is known as multi-sited ethnography.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Anthropologists use ethnography to study people wherever they are and however they interact with others. Think of the many ways you ordinarily interact with your friends, family, professors, and boss. Is it all face-to-face communication or do you sometimes use text messages to chat with your friends? Do you also sometimes email your professor to ask for clarification on an assignment and then call your boss to discuss your schedule? Do you share funny videos with others on Facebook and then later make a Skype video call to a relative? These new technological \u201csites\u201d of human interaction are fascinating to many ethnographers and have expanded the definition of fieldwork.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<h3 class=\"H2\">Problem-oriented Research<\/h3>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">In the early years, ethnographers were interested in exploring the entirety of a culture. Taking an<strong><span class=\"CharOverride-2\"> inductive<\/span><\/strong> approach, they generally were not concerned about arriving with a relatively narrow predefined research topic. Instead, the goal was to explore the people, their culture, and their homelands and what had previously been written about them. The focus of the study was allowed to emerge gradually during their time in the field. Often, this approach to ethnography resulted in rather general ethnographic descriptions.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Today, anthropologists are increasingly taking a more<strong> deductive<\/strong> approach to ethnographic research. Rather than arriving at the field site with only general ideas about the goals of the study, they tend to select a particular problem before arriving and then let that problem guide their research. In my case, I was interested in how undocumented Mexican immigrant youth in Minnesota formed a sense of identity while living in a society that used a variety of dehumanizing labels such as illegal and alien to refer to them. That was my research \u201cproblem,\u201d and it oriented and guided my study from beginning to end. I did not document every dimension of my informants\u2019 lives; instead, I focused on the things most closely related to my research problem.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<h3 class=\"H2\">Quantitative Methods<\/h3>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Increasingly, cultural anthropologists are using quantitative research methods to complement qualitative approaches. <strong>Qualitative<\/strong> research in anthropology aims to comprehensively describe human behavior and the contexts in which it occurs while <strong>quantitative<\/strong> research seeks patterns in numerical data that can explain aspects of human behavior. Quantitative patterns can be gleaned from statistical analyses, maps, charts, graphs, and textual descriptions. Surveys are a common quantitative technique that usually involves closed-ended questions in which respondents select their responses from a list of pre-defined choices such as their degree of agreement or disagreement, multiple-choice answers, and rankings of items. While surveys usually lack the sort of contextual detail associated with qualitative research, they tend to be relatively easy to code numerically and, as a result, can be easier to analyze than qualitative data. Surveys are also useful for gathering specific data points within a large population, something that is challenging to do with many qualitative techniques.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Anthropological nutritional analysis is an area of research that commonly relies on collecting quantitative data. Nutritional anthropologists explore how factors such as culture, the environment, and economic and political systems interplay to impact human health and nutrition. They may count the calories people consume and expend, document patterns of food consumption, measure body weight and body mass, and test for the presence of parasite infections or nutritional deficiencies. In her ethnography <em>Dancing Skeletons: Life and Death in West Africa <\/em>(1993), Katherine Dettwyler described how she conducted nutritional research in Mali, which involved weighing, measuring, and testing her research subjects to collect a variety of quantitative data to help her understand the causes and consequences of child malnutrition.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<h3 class=\"H2\">Mixed Methods<\/h3>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">In recent years, anthropologists have begun to combine ethnography with other types of research methods. These mixed-method approaches integrate qualitative and quantitative evidence to provide a more comprehensive analysis. For instance, anthropologists can combine ethnographic data with questionnaires, statistical data, and a media analysis. Anthropologist Leo Chavez used mixed methods to conduct the research for his book <em>The Latino Threat: Constructing Immigrants, Citizens, and the Nation <\/em>(2008). He started with a problem: how has citizenship been discussed as an identity marker in the mainstream media in the United States, especially among those labeled as Latinos. He then looked for a variety of types of data and relied on ethnographic case studies and on quantitative data from surveys and questionnaires. Chavez also analyzed a series of visual images from photographs, magazine covers, and cartoons that depicted Latinos to explore how they are represented in the American mainstream.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal ParaOverride-3\">Mixed methods can be particularly useful when conducting problem-oriented research on complex, technologically advanced societies such as the United States. Detailed statistical and quantitative data are often available for those types of societies. Additionally, the general population is usually literate and somewhat comfortable with the idea of filling out a questionnaire.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<h2 class=\"H1\">ETHNOGRAPHIC TECHNIQUES AND PERSPECTIVES<\/h2>\r\n<h3 class=\"H2-below-H1\">Cultural Relativism and Ethnocentrism<\/h3>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">The guiding philosophy of modern anthropology is <strong>cultural relativism<\/strong>\u2014the idea that we should seek to understand another person\u2019s beliefs and behaviors from the perspective of their culture rather than our own. Anthropologists do not judge other cultures based on their values nor view other cultural ways of doing things as inferior. Instead, anthropologists seek to understand people\u2019s beliefs within the system they have for explaining things.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Cultural relativism is an important methodological consideration when conducting research. In the field, anthropologists must temporarily suspend their own value, moral, and esthetic judgments and seek to understand and respect the values, morals, and esthetics of the other culture on their terms. This can be a challenging task, particularly when a culture is significantly different from the one in which they were raised.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">During my first field experience in Brazil, I learned firsthand how challenging cultural relativism could be. Preferences for physical proximity and comfort talking about one\u2019s body are among the first differences likely to be noticed by U.S. visitors to Brazil. Compared to Americans, Brazilians generally are much more comfortable standing close, touching, holding hands, and even smelling one another and often discuss each other\u2019s bodies. Children and adults commonly refer to each other using playful nicknames that refer to their body size, body shape, or skin color. Neighbors and even strangers frequently stopped me on the street to comment on the color of my skin (It concerned some as being overly pale or pink\u2014Was I ill? Was I sunburned?), the texture of my hair (How did I get it so smooth? Did I straighten my hair?), and my body size and shape (\u201cYou have a nice bust, but if you lost a little weight around the middle you would be even more attractive!\u201d).<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">During my first few months in Brazil, I had to remind myself constantly that these comments were not rude, disrespectful, or inappropriate as I would have perceived them to be in the United States. On the contrary, it was one of the ways that people showed affection toward me. From a culturally relativistic perspective, the comments demonstrated that they cared about me, were concerned with my well-being, and wanted me to be part of the community. Had I not taken a culturally relativistic view at the outset and instead judged the actions based on my cultural perspective, I would have been continually frustrated and likely would have confused and offended people in the community. And offending your informants and the rest of the community certainly is not conducive to completing high-quality ethnography! Had I not fully understood the importance of body contact and physical proximity in communication in Brazil, I would have missed an important component of the culture.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Another perspective that has been rejected by anthropologists is <strong>ethnocentrism<\/strong>\u2014the tendency to view one\u2019s own culture as most important and correct and as a stick by which to measure all other cultures. People who are ethnocentric view their own cultures as central and normal and reject all other cultures as inferior and morally suspect. As it turns out, many people and cultures are ethnocentric to some degree; ethnocentrism is a common human experience. Why do we respond the way we do? Why do we behave the way we do? Why do we believe what we believe? Most people find these kinds of questions difficult to answer. Often the answer is simply \u201cbecause that is how it is done.\u201d They believe what they believe because that is what one normally believes and doing things any other way seems wrong.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Ethnocentrism is not a useful perspective in contexts in which people from different cultural backgrounds come into close contact with one another, as is the case in many cities and communities throughout the world. People increasingly find that they must adopt culturally relativistic perspectives in governing communities and as a guide for their interactions with members of the community. For anthropologists in the field, cultural relativism is especially important. We must set aside our innate ethnocentrisms and let cultural relativism guide our inquiries and interactions with others so that our observations are not biased. Cultural relativism is at the core of the discipline of anthropology.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<h3 class=\"H2\">Objectivity and Activist Anthropology<\/h3>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Despite the importance of cultural relativism, it is not always possible and at times is inappropriate to maintain complete objectivity in the field. Researchers may encounter cultural practices that are an affront to strongly held moral values or that violate the human rights of a segment of a population. In other cases, they may be conducting research in part to advocate for a particular issue or for the rights of a marginalized group.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Take, for example, the practice of female genital cutting (FGC), also known as female genital mutilation (FGM), a practice that is common in various regions of the world, especially in parts of Africa and the Middle East. Such practices involving modification of female genitals for non-medical and cultural reasons range from clitoridectomy (partial or full removal of the clitoris) to infibulation, which involves removal of the clitoris and the inner and outer labia and suturing to narrow the vaginal opening, leaving only a small hole for the passage of urine and menstrual fluid Anthropologists working in regions where such practices are common often understandably have a strong negative opinion, viewing the practice as unnecessary medically and posing a risk of serious infection, infertility, and complications from childbirth. They may also be opposed to it because they feel that it violates the right of women to experience sexual pleasure, something they likely view as a fundamental human right. Should the anthropologist intervene to prevent girls and women from being subjected to this practice?<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Anthropologist Janice Boddy studied FGC\/FGM in rural northern Sudan and sought to explain it from a culturally relativistic perspective. She found that the practice persists, in part, because it is believed to preserve a woman\u2019s chastity and curb her sexual desire, making her less likely to have affairs once she is married. Boddy\u2019s research showed how the practice makes sense in the context of a culture in which a woman\u2019s sexual conduct is a symbol of her family\u2019s honor, which is important culturally.<span class=\"Endnote-reference _idGenCharOverride-1\">[footnote]Janice Bodd, Civilizing Women: British Crusades in Colonial Sudan (Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007).[\/footnote]\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Boddy\u2019s relativistic explanation helps make the practice comprehensible and allows cultural outsiders to understand how it is internally culturally coherent. But the question remains. Once anthropologists understand why people practice FGC\/FGM, should they accept it? Because they uncover the cultural meaning of a practice, must they maintain a neutral stance or should they fight a practice viewed as an injustice? How does an anthropologist know what is right?<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Unfortunately, answers to these questions are rarely simple, and anthropologists as a group do not always agree on an appropriate professional stance and responsibility. Nevertheless, examining practices such as FGC\/FGM can help us understand the debate over objectivity versus \u201cactivism\u201d in anthropology more clearly. Some anthropologists feel that striving for objectivity in ethnography is paramount. That even if objectivity cannot be completely achieved, anthropologists\u2019 ethnography should be free from as much subjective opinion as possible. Others take the opposite stance and produce anthropological research and writing as a means of fighting for equality and justice for disempowered or voiceless groups. The debate over how much (if any) activism is acceptable is ongoing. What is clear is that anthropologists are continuing to grapple with the contentious relationship between objectivity and activism in ethnographic research.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<h3 class=\"H2\">Science and Humanism<\/h3>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Anthropologists have described their field as the most humanistic of the sciences and the most scientific of the humanities. Early anthropologists fought to legitimize anthropology as a robust scientific field of study. To do so, they borrowed methods and techniques from the physical sciences and applied them to anthropological inquiry. Indeed, anthropology today is categorized as a social science in most academic institutions in the United States alongside sociology, psychology, economics, and political science. However, in recent decades, many cultural anthropologists have distanced themselves from science-oriented research and embraced more-humanistic approaches, including symbolic and interpretive perspectives. Interpretive anthropology treats culture as a body of \u201ctexts\u201d rather than attempting to test a hypothesis based on deductive or inductive reasoning. The texts present a particular picture from a particular subjective point of view. Interpretive anthropologists believe that it is not necessary (or even possible) to objectively interrogate a text. Rather, they study the texts to untangle the various webs of meaning embedded in them. Consequently, interpretive anthropologists include the context of their interpretations, their own perspectives and, importantly, how the research participants view themselves and the meanings they attribute to their lives.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Anthropologists are unlikely to conclude that a single approach is best. Instead, anthropologists can apply any and all of the approaches that best suit their particular problem. Anthropology is unique among academic disciplines for the diversity of approaches used to conduct research and for the broad range of orientations that fall under its umbrella.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<h3 class=\"H2-below-TB-LO\">Ethnographic Techniques<\/h3>\r\n<h4 class=\"H3-below-H2\"><em>Observation and Participant Observation<\/em><\/h4>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Of the various techniques and tools used to conduct ethnographic research, observation in general and participant observation in particular are among the most important. Ethnographers are trained to pay attention to everything happening around them when in the field\u2014from routine daily activities such as cooking dinner to major events such as an annual religious celebration. They observe how people interact with each other, how the environment affects people, and how people affect the environment. It is essential for anthropologists to rigorously document their observations, usually by writing field notes and recording their feelings and perceptions in a personal journal or diary.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">As previously mentioned, participant observation involves ethnographers observing while they participate in activities with their informants. This technique is important because it allows the researcher to better understand why people do what they do from an emic perspective. Malinowski noted that participant observation is an important tool by which \u201cto grasp the native\u2019s point of view, his relation to life, to realize <em><span class=\"Emphasis _idGenCharOverride-2\">his<\/span><\/em> vision of <em><span class=\"Emphasis _idGenCharOverride-2\">his<\/span><\/em> world.\u201d<span class=\"Endnote-reference _idGenCharOverride-1\">[footnote]Bronislaw Malinowski, Argonauts of the Western Pacific: An Account of Native Enterprise and Adventure in the Archipelagoes of Melanesian New Guinea (London: Kegan Paul, 1922), 25.[\/footnote]\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">To conduct participant observation, ethnographers must live with or spend considerable time with their informants to establish a strong rapport with them. Rapport is a sense of trust and a comfortable working relationship in which the informant and the ethnographer are at ease with each other and agreeable to working together.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Participant observation was an important part of my own research. In 2003, I spent six months living in two Mayan villages in highland Chiapas, Mexico. I was conducting ethnographic research on behalf of the Science Museum of Minnesota to document changes in <em>huipil<\/em> textile designs. <em>Huipiles<\/em> (pronounced \u201cwe-peel-ays\u201d) are a type of hand-woven blouse that Mayan women in the region weave and wear, and every town has its own style and designs. At a large city market, one can easily identify the town each weaver is from by the colors and designs of her <em>huipiles<\/em>. For hundreds of years, <em>huipil<\/em> designs changed very little. Then, starting around 1960, the designs and colors of <em>huipiles<\/em> in some of the towns began to change rapidly. I was interested in learning why some towns\u2019 designs were changing more rapidly than other towns\u2019 were and in collecting examples of <em>huipiles<\/em> to supplement the museum\u2019s existing collection.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">I spent time in two towns, Zinacant<span xml:lang=\"ar-SA\">\u00e1<\/span>n and San Andr\u00e9s Larr\u00e1inzar. Zinacant<span xml:lang=\"ar-SA\">\u00e1n<\/span> was located near the main city, San Crist<span xml:lang=\"ar-SA\">\u00f3<\/span>bal de las Casas. It received many tourists each year and had regularly established bus and van routes that locals used to travel to San Crist<span xml:lang=\"ar-SA\">\u00f3<\/span>bal to buy food and other goods. Some of the men in the town had worked in the United States and returned with money to build or improve their family homes and businesses. Other families were supported by <strong>remittances<\/strong> from relatives working in the United States or in other parts of Mexico. San Andr\u00e9s, on the other hand, was relatively isolated and much further from San Crist<span xml:lang=\"ar-SA\">\u00f3<\/span>bal. Most families there relied on subsistence farming or intermittent agricultural labor and had limited access to tourism or to outside communities. San Andr\u00e9s was also the site of a major indigenous revolt in the mid-1990s that resulted in greater autonomy, recognition, and rights for indigenous groups throughout Mexico. Politically and socially, it was a progressive community in many ways but remained conservative in others.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">I first asked people in Zinacant\u00e1n why their <em>huipil<\/em> designs, motifs, and colors seemed to change almost every year. Many women said that they did not know. Others stated that weaving was easy and could be boring so they liked to make changes to keep the <em>huipiles<\/em> interesting and to keep weaving from getting dull. When I asked people in San Andr\u00e9s what they thought about what the women in Zinacant\u00e1n had said, the San Andr\u00e9s women replied that \u201cYes, perhaps they do get bored easily. But we in San Andr\u00e9s are superior weavers and we don\u2019t need to change our designs.\u201d Neither response seemed like the full story behind the difference.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Though I spent hundreds of hours observing women preparing to weave, weaving, and selling their textiles to tourists, I did not truly understand what the women were telling me until I tried weaving myself. When I watched them, the process seemed so easy and simple. They attached strings of thread vertically to two ends of the back-strap looms. When weaving, they increased and decreased the tension on the vertical threads by leaning backward and forward with the back strap and teased individual threads horizontally through the vertical threads to create the desired pattern. After each thread was placed, they pushed it down with great force using a smooth, flat wooden trowel. They did the entire process with great ease and fluidity. When I only watched and did not participate, I could believe the Zinacant\u00e1n women when they told me weaving was easy.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">When I began to weave, it took me several days simply to learn how to sit correctly with a back-strap loom and achieve the appropriate tension. I failed repeatedly at setting up the loom with vertically strung threads and never got close to being able to create a design. Thus, I learned through participant observation that weaving is an exceptionally difficult task. Even expert weavers who had decades of experience sometimes made mistakes as half-finished weavings and rejected textiles littered many homes. Although the women appeared to be able to multi-task while weaving (stoking the fire, calling after small children, cooking food), weaving still required a great deal of concentration to do well.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Through participant observation, I was able to recognize that other factors likely drove the changes in their textiles. I ultimately concluded that the rate of change in <em>huipil<\/em> design in Zinacant\u00e1n was likely related to the pace of cultural change broadly in the community resulting from interactions between its residents and tourists and relatively frequent travel to a more-urban environment. Participant observation was an important tool in my research and is central to most ethnographic studies today.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<h4 class=\"H3\"><em>Conversations and Interviews<\/em><\/h4>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Another primary technique for gathering ethnographic data is simply talking with people\u2014from casual, unstructured conversations about ordinary topics to formal scheduled interviews about a particular topic. An important element for successful conversations and interviews is establishing rapport with informants. Sometimes, engaging in conversation is part of establishing that rapport. Ethnographers frequently use multiple forms of conversation and interviewing for a single research project based on their particular needs. They sometimes record the conversations and interviews with an audio recording device but more often they simply engage in the conversation and then later write down everything they recall about it. Conversations and interviews are an essential part of most ethnographic research designs because spoken communication is central to humans\u2019 experiences.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<h4 class=\"H3\"><em>Gathering Life Histories<\/em><\/h4>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Collecting a personal narrative of someone\u2019s life is a valuable ethnographic technique and is often combined with other techniques. Life histories provide the context in which culture is experienced and created by individuals and describe how individuals have reacted, responded, and contributed to changes that occurred during their lives. They also help anthropologists be more aware of what makes life meaningful to an individual and to focus on the particulars of individual lives, on the tenor of their experiences and the patterns that are important to them. Researchers often include life histories in their ethnographic texts as a way of intimately connecting the reader to the lives of the informants.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<h4 class=\"H3\"><em>The Genealogical Method<\/em><\/h4>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">The genealogical (kinship) method has a long tradition in ethnography. Developed in the early years of anthropological research to document the family systems of tribal groups, it is still used today to discover connections of <strong>kinship<\/strong>, descent, marriage, and the overall social system. Because kinship and genealogy are so important in many nonindustrial societies, the technique is used to collect data on important relationships that form the foundation of the society and to trace social relationships more broadly in communities.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">When used by anthropologists, the genealogical method involves using symbols and diagrams to document relationships. Circles represent women and girls, triangles represent men and boys, and squares represent ambiguous or unknown gender. Equal signs between individuals represent their union or marriage and vertical lines descending from a union represent parent-child relationships. Children are usually represented from left to right - oldest to youngest. The death of an individual and the termination of a marriage are denoted by diagonal lines drawn across the shapes and equal signs. Kinship charts are diagrammed from the perspective of one person who is called the Ego, and all of the relationships in the chart are based on how the others are related to the Ego. Individuals in a chart are sometimes identified by numbers or names, and an accompanying list provides more-detailed information.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<div class=\"_idGenObjectLayout-1\"><\/div>\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_71\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"300\"]<img class=\"wp-image-71 size-medium\" src=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2795\/2017\/12\/06163339\/fieldwork_figure_6-e1512673282490-300x159.png\" alt=\" \" width=\"300\" height=\"159\" \/> Figure 4: Anthropological Kinship Chart Created by one of Katie Nelson\u2019s Cultural Anthropology students[\/caption]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<h4 class=\"H3\"><em>Key Informants<\/em><\/h4>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Within any culture or subculture, there are always particular individuals who are more knowledgeable about the culture than others and who may have more-detailed or privileged knowledge. Anthropologists conducting ethnographic research in the field often seek out such cultural specialists to gain a greater understanding of certain issues and to answer questions they otherwise could not answer. When an anthropologist establishes a rapport with these individuals and begins to rely more on them for information than on others, the cultural specialists are referred to as key informants or key cultural consultants.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Key informants can be exceptional assets in the field, allowing the ethnographer to uncover the meanings of behaviors and practices the researcher cannot otherwise understand. Key informants can also help researchers by directly observing others and reporting those observations to the researchers, especially in situations in which the researcher is not allowed to be present or when the researcher\u2019s presence could alter the participants\u2019 behavior. In addition, ethnographers can check information they obtained from other informants, contextualize it, and review it for accuracy. Having a key informant in the field is like having a research ally. The relationship can grow and become enormously fruitful.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">A famous example of the central role that key informants can play in an ethnographer\u2019s research is a man named Doc in William Foote Whyte\u2019s <em>Street Corner Society <\/em>(1943)<em>. <\/em>In the late 1930s, Whyte studied social relations between street gangs and \u201ccorner boys\u201d in a Boston urban slum inhabited by first- and second-generation Italian immigrants. A social worker introduced Whyte to Doc and the two hit it off. Doc proved instrumental to the success of Whyte\u2019s research. He introduced Whyte to his family and social group and vouched for him in the tight-knit community, providing access that Whyte could not have gained otherwise.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<h4 class=\"H3\"><em>Field Notes<\/em><\/h4>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Field notes are indispensable when conducting ethnographic research. Although making such notes is time-consuming, they form the primary record of one\u2019s observations. Generally speaking, ethnographers write two kinds of notes: field notes and personal reflections. Field notes are detailed descriptions of everything the ethnographer observes and experiences. They include specific details about what happened at the field site, the ethnographer\u2019s sensory impressions, and specific words and phrases used by the people observed. They also frequently include the content of conversations the ethnographer had and things the ethnographer overheard others say. Ethnographers also sometimes include their personal reflections on the experience of writing field notes. Often, brief notes are jotted down in a notebook while the anthropologist is observing and participating in activities. Later, they expand on those quick notes to make more formal field notes, which may be organized and typed into a report. It is common for ethnographers to spend several hours a day writing and organizing field notes.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Ethnographers often also keep a personal journal or diary that may include information about their emotions and personal experiences while conducting research. These personal reflections can be as important as the field notes. Ethnography is not an objective science. Everything researchers do and experience in the field is filtered through their personal life experiences. Two ethnographers may experience a situation in the field in different ways and understand the experience differently. For this reason, it is important for researchers to be aware of their reactions to situations and be mindful of how their life experiences affect their perceptions. In fact, this sort of reflexive insight can turn out to be a useful data source and analytical tool that improves the researcher\u2019s understanding.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">The work of anthropologist Renato Rosaldo provides a useful example of how anthropologists can use their emotional responses to fieldwork situations to advance their research. In 1981, Rosaldo and his wife, Michelle, were conducting research among the Ilongots of Northern Luzon in the Philippines. Rosaldo was studying men in the community who engaged in emotional rampages in which they violently murdered others by cutting off their heads. Although the practice had been banned by the time Rosaldo arrived, a longing to continue headhunting remained in the cultural psyche of the community.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Whenever Rosaldo asked a man why he engaged in headhunting, the answer was that rage and grief caused him to kill others. At the beginning of his fieldwork, Rosaldo felt that the response was overly simplistic and assumed that there had to be more to it than that. He was frustrated because he could not uncover a deeper understanding of the phenomenon. Then, on October 11, 1981, Rosaldo\u2019s wife was walking along a ravine when she tripped, lost her footing, and fell 65 feet to her death, leaving Rosaldo a grieving single father. In his essay \u201cGrief and a Headhunter\u2019s Rage,\u201d Rosaldo later wrote that it was his own struggle with rage as he grieved for his wife that helped him truly grasp what the Ilongot men meant when they described their grief and rage.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<blockquote>\r\n<p class=\"Quotation\">Only a week before completing the initial draft of an earlier version of this introduction, I rediscovered my journal entry, written some six weeks after Michelle\u2019s death, in which I made a vow to myself about how I would return to writing anthropology, if I ever did so, by writing Grief and a Headhunter\u2019s Rage . . . My journal went on to reflect more broadly on death, rage, and headhunting by speaking of my wish for the Ilongot solution; they are much more in touch with reality than Christians. So, I need a place to carry my anger \u2013 and can we say a solution of the imagination is better than theirs? And can we condemn them when we napalm villages? Is our rationale so much sounder than theirs? All this was written in despair and rage.<span class=\"Endnote-reference _idGenCharOverride-1\">[footnote]Renato Rosaldo, \u201cGrief and a Headhunter\u2019s Rage,\u201d in Violence in War and Peace, ed. Nancy Scheper-Hughes and Philippe I. Bourgois (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2004), 171.[\/footnote]\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\r\n<\/blockquote>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Only through the very personal and emotionally devastating experience of losing his wife was Rosaldo able to understand the emic perspective of the headhunters. The result was an influential and insightful ethnographic account.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<h2 class=\"H2\">Women and Fieldwork<\/h2>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Female anthropologists have always played a key role in anthropology. In sex-segregated societies, they have had unique access to women\u2019s worlds. Recently, they have analyzed how gender might affect styles of authorship and authority in ethnographies. Social characteristics, including gender, race, class, sexuality, and religion, also influence how an anthropologist engages in fieldwork and how she and her colleagues relate to one another.[footnote]Ruth Behar, \u201cIntroduction: Out of Exile,\u201d in <em>Women Writing Culture<\/em>, ed. Ruth Behar and Deborah Gordon (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995); Peggy Golde, <em>Women in the Field: Anthropological Experiences<\/em> (Chicago, IL: Aldine Publishing Company, 1970); Nancy J. Parezo, <em>Hidden Scholars: Women Anthropologists and the Native American Southwest<\/em> (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 5\u20139.[\/footnote] Sometimes the identity of an anthropologist creates new opportunities for deeper understanding and connection, but at other times one\u2019s personal identity can create professional challenges.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Women face particular challenges when conducting fieldwork regardless of the culture but particularly in sex-segregated and patriarchal societies. Sometimes women are perceived as more vulnerable than men to sexual harassment, and their romantic choices in fieldwork situations are subject to greater scrutiny than choices made by men in similar situations.[footnote]Helen Brannagh, \u201cSex \u2018Suggested\u2019 and Power Play: Notes on Harassment in the Field,\u201d in <em>China: New Faces of Ethnography<\/em>, ed. Bettina Gransow, Pal Nyiri, and Shiaw-Chian Fong (Piscataway, NJ: Verlag, 2005); Fran Markowitz and Michael Ashkenaziand, <em>Sex, Sexuality, and the Anthropologist<\/em> (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999).[\/footnote]\u00a0Women may be more likely to juggle family responsibilities and professional projects and bring children with them for fieldwork. At first glance, this practice may raise eyebrows because of the risks it brings to accompanying children and because of potential negative impacts on the anthropologist\u2019s planned work, but many female anthropologists have found fieldwork undertaken with their families to be a transformative experience both professionally and personally. Whereas appearing as a decontextualized single fieldworker can arouse suspicion, arriving at a field site with the recognizable identities of parent, daughter, or spouse can help people conceptualize the anthropologist as someone with a role beyond camera-toting interviewer and observer. At the same time, arriving as a multi-person group also complicates what Jocelyn Linnekin called \u201cimpression management.\u201d One\u2019s child is often less aware of delicate matters and less sensitive in communicating preferences to hosts, causing potentially embarrassing situations but also creating levity that might otherwise be slow to develop. Fieldwork as a family unit also allows for a different rhythm to the elusive work-life balance; many families have reported cherishing time spent together during fieldwork since they rarely had so much time together in their activity-filled home settings.[footnote]See Candice Cornet and Tami Blumenfield, \u201cAnthropological Fieldwork and Families in China and Beyond,\u201d in <em>Doing Fieldwork in China\u2026with Kids! The Dynamics of Accompanied Fieldwork in the People\u2019s Republic<\/em>, ed. Candice Cornet and Tami Blumenfield (Copenhagen: NIAS Press, 2006); Tami Blumenfield, \u201cBlurred Boundaries of Learning and Ethnography in an Era of Constant Connectedness: Lessons from Fieldwork with Children in Southwest China,\u201d ibid, 69\u201385. Additional perspectives from a father-son duo and a mother-daughter pair in the same volume are those by Eriberto P. Lozada Jr. and E. Patrick Lozada III, \u201cOpening the Door (\u5f00\u95e8): Doing Fieldwork with Children in Rural China,\u201d and by Jeanne L. Shea, \u201cClean Your Plate and Don\u2019t Be Polite: An American Mother\u2019s Education in Early Childhood Parenting and Family Life in Shanghai, China.\u201d For another discussion of how children influence perceptions of a fieldworking parent, see Jocelyn Linnekin, \u201cFamily and Other Uncontrollables: Impression Management in Accompanied Fieldwork,\u201d in <em>Fieldwork and Families: Constructing New Models for Ethnographic Research<\/em>, ed. Juliana Flinn, Leslie Marshall, and Jocelyn Armstrong (Honolulu: Hawaii University Press, 1998), 71\u201383.[\/footnote]<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">More anthropologists now conduct fieldwork in their home communities. Some wish to explore theoretical and empirical questions best examined in local field sites. Others are reluctant or unable to relocate their families or partners temporarily. Conducting fieldwork close to home can also be a less expensive option than going abroad! But the boundaries of field and home can become quite porous. In their writings, women anthropologists reveal how the realms of public and private and political and personal are connected in the field\/home. Innovative, activist, and self-reflective studies address intersections that other scholars treat separately.[footnote]Lynn Bolles, \u201cTelling the Story Straight: Black Feminist Intellectual Thought in Anthropology\u201d <em>Transforming Anthropology: Journal of the Association of Black Anthropologists<\/em> 21 no. 1 (2013): 63\u201364.[\/footnote]<\/p>\r\n\r\n<h2 class=\"H1\">ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS<\/h2>\r\n<p class=\"Normal ParaOverride-4\">As anthropologists developed more sophisticated concepts of culture, they also gained a greater understanding of the ethical challenges associated with anthropological research. Because participant-observation fieldwork brings anthropologists into close relationships with the people they study, many complicated issues can arise. Cultural relativism is a perspective that encourages anthropologists to show respect to members of other cultures, but it was not until after World War II that the profession of anthropology recognized a need to develop formal standards of professional conduct.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal ParaOverride-4\">The Nuremberg trials, which began in 1946 Nuremberg, Germany, were conducted under the direction of France, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom, and the United States, prosecuted members of the Nazi regime for war crimes. In addition to military and political figures, physicians and scientists were also prosecuted for unethical human experimentation and mass murder. The trials demonstrated that physicians and other scientists could be dangerous if they used their skills for abusive or exploitative goals. The <a href=\"https:\/\/history.nih.gov\/research\/downloads\/nuremberg.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span class=\"Hyperlink\">Nuremberg Code<\/span><\/a> that emerged from the trials is considered a landmark document in medical and research ethics. It established principles for the ethical treatment of the human subjects involved in any medical or scientific research.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal ParaOverride-4\">Because of events such as the Nuremberg trials, many universities embraced research ethical guidelines for the treatment of human subjects. Anthropologists and students who work in universities where these guidelines exist are obliged to follow these rules. The <a href=\"http:\/\/ethics.americananthro.org\/category\/statement\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span class=\"Hyperlink\">American Anthropological Association<\/span><\/a> (AAA), along with many anthropology organizations in other countries, developed codes of ethics describing specific expectations for anthropologists engaged in research in a variety of settings. The principles in the AAA <a href=\"http:\/\/ethics.americananthro.org\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span class=\"Hyperlink\">Code of Ethics<\/span><\/a> include: do no harm; be open and honest regarding your work; obtain informed consent and necessary permissions; ensure the vulnerable populations in every study are protected from competing ethical obligations; make your results accessible; protect and preserve your records; and maintain respectful and ethical professional relationships. These principles sound simple, but can be complicated in practice.]<\/p>\r\n\r\n<h3 class=\"H2\">Do No Harm<\/h3>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">First and foremost, anthropologists must ensure that their involvement with a community does not harm or embarrass their informants. Researchers must carefully consider any potential harm associated with the research, including legal, emotional, political, economic, social, and cultural dimensions, and take steps to insulate their informants from such harm. Since it is not always possible to anticipate every potential repercussion at the outset, anthropologists also must continually monitor their work to ensure that their research design and methods minimize any risk.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Today, Do No Harm is a central ethical value in anthropology. However, it can be difficult to predict every challenge one may encounter in the field or after the work is published. Anthropologists must continually reevaluate their research and writing to ensure that it does not harm the informants or their communities. Before fieldwork begins, researchers from universities, colleges, and institutions usually must submit their research agendas to an institutional review board (IRB). IRBs review research plans to ensure that the proposed studies will not harm human subjects. In many cases, the IRB is aware of the unique challenges and promise of anthropological research and can guide the researcher in eliminating or mitigating potential ethical problems.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<h3 class=\"H2\">Obtain Informed Consent<\/h3>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">In addition to taking care to do no harm, anthropologists must obtain informed consent from all of their informants before conducting any research. Informed consent is the informant\u2019s agreement to take part in the study. Originally developed in the context of medical and psychological research, this ethical guideline is also relevant to anthropology. Informants must be aware of who the anthropologist is and the research topic, who is financially and otherwise supporting the research, how the research will be used, and who will have access to it. Finally, their participation must be <em>optional<\/em> and not coerced. They should be able to stop participating at any time and be aware of and comfortable with any risks associated with their participation.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">In medical and psychological research settings in the United States, researchers typically obtain informed consent by asking prospective participants to sign a document that outlines the research and the risks involved in their participation, acknowledging that they agree to take part. In some anthropological contexts, however, this type of informed consent may not be appropriate. People may not trust the state, bureaucratic processes, or authority, for example. Asking them to sign a formal legal-looking document may intimidate them. Likewise, informed consent cannot be obtained with a signed document if many in the community cannot read. The anthropologist must determine the most appropriate way to obtain informed consent in the context of the particular research setting.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<h3 class=\"H2\">Maintain Anonymity and Privacy<\/h3>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Another important ethical consideration for anthropologists in the field is ensuring the anonymity and privacy of informants who need such protection. When I did research among undocumented Mexican immigrant college students, I recognized that my informants\u2019 legal status put them at considerable risk. I took care to use pseudonyms for all of the informants, even when writing field notes. In my writing, I changed the names of the informants\u2019 relatives, friends, schools, and work places to protect them from being identified. Maintaining privacy and anonymity is an important way for anthropologists to ensure that their involvement does no harm.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<h3 class=\"H2\">Make Results Accessible<\/h3>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Finally, anthropologists must always make their final research results accessible to their informants and to other researchers. For informants, a written report in the researcher\u2019s native language may not be the best way to convey the results. Reports can be translated or the results can be converted into a more accessible format. Examples of creative ways in which anthropologists have made their results available include establishing accessible databases for their research data, contributing to existing databases, producing films that portray the results, and developing texts or recommendations that provide tangible assistance to the informants\u2019 communities. Though it is not always easy to make research results accessible in culturally appropriate ways, it is essential that others have the opportunity to review and benefit from the research, especially those who participated in its creation.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<h3 class=\"H2-below-H1\">Analysis and Interpretation of Research Findings<\/h3>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Once all or most of the fieldwork is complete, ethnographers analyze their data and research findings before beginning to write. There are many techniques for data analysis from which to choose based on the strategy and goals of the research. Regardless of the particular technique, data analysis involves a systematic interpretation of what the researcher thinks the data mean. The ethnographer reviews all of the data collected, synthesizes findings from the review, and integrates those findings with prior studies on the topic. Once the analysis is complete, the ethnographer is ready to write an account of the fieldwork.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<h3 class=\"H2\">Ethnographic Authority<\/h3>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">In recent years, anthropologists have expressed concern about how ethnographies should be written in terms of ethnographic authority: how ethnographers present themselves and their informants in text. In a nonfiction text, the author is a mediator between readers and the topic and the text is written to help readers understand an unfamiliar topic. In an ethnography, the topic is people, and people naturally vary in terms of their thoughts, opinions, beliefs, and perspectives. That is, they have individual voices. In the past, anthropologists commonly wrote ethnographic accounts as if they possessed the ultimate most complete scientific knowledge on the topic. Subsequently, anthropologists began to challenge that writing style, particularly when it did not include the voices of their informants in the text and analysis. Some of this criticism originated with feminist anthropologists who noted that women\u2019s experiences and perspectives frequently were omitted and misrepresented in this style of writing. Others believed that this style of writing reinforced existing global power dynamics and privileges afforded to Western anthropologists\u2019 voices as most important.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<h3 class=\"H2\">Polyvocality<\/h3>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">In response to criticisms about ethnographic authority, anthropologists have begun to include polyvocality. A polyvocal text is one in which more than one person\u2019s voice is presented, and its use can range from ensuring that informants\u2019 perspectives are presented in the text while still writing in the researcher\u2019s voice to including informants\u2019 actual words rather than paraphrasing them and co-authoring the ethnography with an informant. A good example of polyvocality is anthropologist Ruth Behar\u2019s book <em>Translated Woman: Crossing the Border with Esperanza\u2019s Story <\/em>(1993). Behar\u2019s book documents the life story of a Mexican street peddler, Esperanza Hern\u00e1ndez, and their unique friendship. Large sections of the book are in Esperanza\u2019s own words and discuss issues that are important to her. Behar also includes pieces of her own life story and an anthropological analysis of Esperanza\u2019s story.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">By using polyvocality, researchers can avoid writing from the perspective of the ultimate ethnographic authority. A polyvocal style also allows readers to be more involved in the text since they have the opportunity to form their own opinions about the ethnographic data and perhaps even critique the author\u2019s analysis. It also encourages anthropologists to be more transparent when presenting their methods and data.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<h3 class=\"H2\">Reflexivity<\/h3>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Reflexivity is another relatively new approach to ethnographic research and writing. Beginning in the 1960s, social science researchers began to think more carefully about the effects of their life experiences, status, and roles on their research and analyses. They began to insert themselves into their texts, including information about their personal experiences, thoughts, and life stories and to analyze in the accounts how those characteristics affected their research and analysis.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Adoption of reflexivity is perhaps the most significant change in how ethnography is researched and written in the past 50 years. It calls on anthropologists to acknowledge that they are part of the world they study and thus can never truly be objective. Reflexivity has also contributed to anthropologists\u2019 appreciation of the unequal power dynamics of research and the effects those dynamics can have on the results. Reflexivity reminds the ethnographer that there are multiple ways to interpret any given cultural scenario. By acknowledging how their backgrounds affect their interpretations, anthropologists can begin to remove themselves from the throne of ethnographic authority and allow other, less-empowered voices to be heard.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<div class=\"textbox exercises\">\r\n<h3 class=\"H1\">DISCUSSION QUESTIONS<\/h3>\r\n<ol>\r\n \t<li class=\"Discussion-Questions-numbered\">If you were to conduct anthropological fieldwork anywhere in the world, were would you go? What would you study? Why? Which ethnographic techniques would you use? What kinds of ethical considerations would you likely encounter? How would you disseminate your research?<\/li>\r\n \t<li class=\"Discussion-Questions-numbered\">What is unique about ethnographic fieldwork and how did it emerge as a key strategy in anthropology?<\/li>\r\n \t<li class=\"Discussion-Questions-numbered\">How do traditional approaches to ethnographic fieldwork contrast with contemporary approaches?<\/li>\r\n \t<li class=\"Discussion-Questions-numbered\">What are some of the contemporary ethnographic fieldwork techniques and perspectives and why are they important to anthropology?<\/li>\r\n \t<li class=\"Discussion-Questions-numbered\">What are some of the ethical considerations in doing anthropological fieldwork and why are they important?<\/li>\r\n \t<li class=\"Discussion-Questions-numbered\">How do anthropologists transform their fieldwork data into a story that communicates meaning? How are reflexivity and polyvocality changing the way anthropologists communicate their work?<\/li>\r\n<\/ol>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<div class=\"textbox key-takeaways\">\r\n<h3 class=\"H1\">GLOSSARY<\/h3>\r\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><span class=\"CharOverride-2\"><strong>Contested identity<\/strong>: <\/span>a dispute within a group about the collective identity or identities of the group.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><strong><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Cultural relativism<\/span><\/strong>: the idea that we should seek to understand another person\u2019s beliefs and behaviors from the perspective of their own culture and not our own.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><strong><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Deductive<\/span><\/strong>: reasoning from the general to the specific; the inverse of inductive reasoning. Deductive research is more common in the natural sciences than in anthropology. In a deductive approach, the researcher creates a hypothesis and then designs a study to prove or disprove the hypothesis. The results of deductive research can be generalizable to other settings.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><span class=\"CharOverride-2\"><strong>Diaspora<\/strong>: <\/span>the scattering of a group of people who have left their original homeland and now live in various locations. Examples of people living in the diaspora are Salvadoran immigrants in the United States and Europe, Somalian refugees in various countries, and Jewish people living around the world.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><span class=\"CharOverride-2\"><strong>Emic<\/strong>:<\/span> a description of the studied culture from the perspective of a member of the culture or insider.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><span class=\"CharOverride-2\"><strong>Ethnocentrism<\/strong>:<\/span> the tendency to view one\u2019s own culture as most important and correct and as the stick by which to measure all other cultures.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><span class=\"CharOverride-2\"><strong>Ethnography<\/strong>:<\/span> the in-depth study of the everyday practices and lives of a people.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><span class=\"CharOverride-2\"><strong>Etic<\/strong>:<\/span> a description of the studied culture from the perspective of an observer or outsider.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><span class=\"CharOverride-2\"><strong>Indigenous<\/strong>: <\/span>people who have continually lived in a particular location for a long period of time (prior to the arrival of others) or who have historical ties to a location and who are culturally distinct from the dominant population surrounding them. Other terms used to refer to indigenous people are aboriginal, native, original, first nation, and first people. Some examples of indigenous people are Native Americans of North America, Australian Aborigines, and the Berber (or Amazigh) of North Africa.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><span class=\"CharOverride-2\"><strong>Inductive<\/strong>: <\/span>a type of reasoning that uses specific information to draw general conclusions. In an inductive approach, the researcher seeks to collect evidence without trying to definitively prove or disprove a hypothesis. The researcher usually first spends time in the field to become familiar with the people before identifying a hypothesis or research question. Inductive research usually is not generalizable to other settings.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><span class=\"CharOverride-2\"><strong>Key Informants<\/strong>:<\/span> individuals who are more knowledgeable about their culture than others and who are particularly helpful to the anthropologist.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><span class=\"CharOverride-2\"><strong>Kinship<\/strong>: <\/span>blood ties, common ancestry, and social relationships that form families within human groups.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><span class=\"CharOverride-2\"><strong>Land tenure<\/strong>: <\/span>h<span class=\"st\">ow property rights to land are allocated within societies, including how permissions are granted to access, use, control, and transfer land.<\/span><\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><strong><span class=\"st CharOverride-2\">Noble savage<\/span><\/strong><span class=\"st\">: an inaccurate way of portraying indigenous groups or minority cultures as innocent, childlike, or uncorrupted by the negative characteristics of \u201ccivilization.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><span class=\"CharOverride-2\"><strong>Participant observation<\/strong>:<\/span> a type of observation in which the anthropologist observes while participating in the same activities in which her informants are engaged.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><strong><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Qualitative<\/span><\/strong>: anthropological research designed to gain an in-depth, contextualized understanding of human behavior.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><strong><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Quantitative<\/span><\/strong>: anthropological research that uses <span class=\"st\">statistical, mathematical, and\/or numerical data to study human behavior.<\/span><\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><span class=\"CharOverride-2\"><strong>Remittances<\/strong>: <\/span>money that migrants laboring outside of the region or country send back to their hometowns and families. In Mexico, remittances make up a substantial share of the total income of some towns\u2019 populations.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><span class=\"CharOverride-2\"><strong>Thick description<\/strong>: <\/span>a term coined by anthropologist Clifford Geertz in his 1973 book <em>The Interpretation of Cultures<\/em> to describe a detailed description of the studied group that not only explains the behavior or cultural event in question but also the context in which it occurs and anthropological interpretations of it.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><span class=\"CharOverride-2\"><strong>Undocumented<\/strong>: <\/span>the preferred term for immigrants who live in a country without formal authorization from the state. Undocumented refers to the fact that these people lack the official documents that would legally permit them to reside in the country. Other terms such as illegal immigrant and illegal alien are often used to refer to this population. Anthropologists consider those terms to be discriminatory and dehumanizing. The word undocumented acknowledges the human dignity and cultural and political ties immigrants have developed in their country of residence despite their inability to establish formal residence permissions.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<div class=\"textbox shaded\">\r\n<h3 class=\"H1\">ABOUT THE AUTHOR<\/h3>\r\n<div class=\"_idGenObjectLayout-1\"><\/div>\r\n<p class=\"Normal-no-indent\"><strong><span class=\"CharOverride-2\"><img class=\"size-medium wp-image-74 alignleft\" src=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2795\/2017\/12\/06163343\/fieldwork_figure_7-281x300.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"281\" height=\"300\" \/>Katie Nelson<\/span><\/strong>, PhD is a professor of anthropology at Inver Hills Community College. Her current research focuses on identity, belonging and citizenship(s) among migrant and undocumented populations in the U.S., Mexico and Morocco. She is particularly interested in examining how migrants forge a sense of identity and belonging in the contexts of national discourses that problematize their presence. She serves as the incoming Chair-elect of the Teaching Anthropology Interest Group, a part of the General Anthropology Division of the American Anthropological Association. She is fluent in the Spanish and Portuguese languages and is currently learning French and Arabic. Katie received her BA in Anthropology and Latin American Studies from Macalester College, her MA in Anthropology from the University of California, Santa Barbara, an MA in Education and Instructional Technology from the University of Saint Thomas and her PhD from CIESAS Occidente (Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropolog\u00eda Social \u2013 Center for Research and Higher Education in Social Anthropology), based in Guadalajara, Mexico.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<div class=\"textbox\">\r\n<h3 class=\"H1\">BIBLIOGRAPHY<\/h3>\r\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Behar, Ruth. <em>Translated Woman: Crossing the Border with Esperanza\u2019s Story<\/em>. Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 1993.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Boddy, Janice. <em>Civilizing Women: British Crusades in Colonial Sudan<\/em>. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Chagnon, Napoleon. <em>Yanomam\u00f6: The Fierce People<\/em>. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1968.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Chavez, Leo. <em>The Latino Threat: Constructing Immigrants, Citizens and the Nation<\/em>. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2008.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Dettwyler, Katherine A. <em>Dancing Skeletons: Life and Death in West Africa<\/em>. Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, 2014<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Frazer, James. <em>The Golden Bough: A Study in Comparative Religion<\/em>. London: Macmillian Press, 1894.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Geertz, Clifford. <em>The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays<\/em>. New York: Basic Books, 1973.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Gordon, Peter. \u201cNumerical Cognition without Words: Evidence from Amazonia.\u201d <em>Science<\/em> 306 no. 5695 (2004): 496\u2013499.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Malinowski, Bronislaw. <em>Argonauts of the Western Pacific: An Account of Native Enterprise and Adventure in the Archipelagoes of Melanesian New Guinea<\/em>. London: Kegan Paul 1922.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Mead, Margaret. <em>Coming of Age in Samoa: A Psychological Study of Primitive Youth for Western Civilization<\/em>. New York: William Morrow and Company, 1928.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Miner, Horace. \u201cBody Ritual Among the Nacirema.\u201d <em>American Anthropologist<\/em> 58 no. 3 (1956): 503-507.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Nelson, Katherine. 2015. <em>Between Citizenship and Alienage: Flexible Identity Among Informally Authorized Mexican College Students in Minnesota<\/em>, USA. PhD diss., CIESAS Occidente (Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropolog\u00eda Social \u2013 Institute for Research and Higher Education in Social Anthropology).<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Rosaldo, Renato. \u201cGrief and a Headhunter\u2019s Rage\u201d in <span class=\"citation CharOverride-1\">Violence in War and Peace, <\/span><span class=\"citation\">edited by Nancy Scheper-Hughes and Philippe I. Bourgois, 150-156. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2004.<\/span><\/p>\r\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Scheper-Hughes, Nancy. <em>Saints, Scholars, Schizophrenics: Mental Illness in Rural Ireland<\/em>. Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press, 1979.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\"><span class=\"citation\">Whorf, Benjamin Lee. \u201cScience and Linguistics.\u201d <\/span><span class=\"citation CharOverride-1\">MIT Technology Review<\/span><span class=\"citation\">: <\/span>42 (1940): 229\u2013248.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\"><span class=\"citation\">Whyte, William Foote. <\/span><span class=\"citation CharOverride-1\">Street Corner Society: The Social Structure of an Italian Slum<\/span><span class=\"citation\">. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993[1943].<\/span><\/p>\r\n\r\n<\/div>","rendered":"<div id=\"_idContainer051\" class=\"Basic-Text-Frame\">\n<h3 class=\"Author\"><span class=\"CharOverride-1\"><a href=\"http:\/\/kanelson.com\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><em>Katie Nelson, Inver Hills Community College<\/em><\/a><br \/>\n<\/span><\/h3>\n<\/div>\n<div id=\"_idContainer052\" class=\"Basic-Text-Frame\">\n<div class=\"textbox learning-objectives\">\n<h3>Learning Objectives<\/h3>\n<div id=\"_idContainer052\" class=\"Basic-Text-Frame\">\n<ul>\n<li class=\"Learning-Objectives\">Discuss what is unique about ethnographic fieldwork and how it emerged as a key strategy in anthropology.<\/li>\n<li class=\"Learning-Objectives\">Identify some of the contemporary ethnographic fieldwork techniques and perspectives.<\/li>\n<li class=\"Learning-Objectives\">Discuss some of the ethical considerations in doing anthropological fieldwork.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div id=\"_idContainer091\" class=\"_idGenObjectStyleOverride-1\">\n<h2 class=\"H1\">FINDING THE FIELD<\/h2>\n<div class=\"_idGenObjectLayout-1\">\n<div id=\"attachment_50\" style=\"width: 217px\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" aria-describedby=\"caption-attachment-50\" class=\"wp-image-50 size-medium\" src=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2795\/2017\/12\/06163310\/fieldwork_figure_1-e1512670787396-207x300.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"207\" height=\"300\" \/><\/p>\n<p id=\"caption-attachment-50\" class=\"wp-caption-text\">Figure 1: Children playing outside a home on the Jenipapo-Kanind\u00e9 Reservation, 2001.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<p class=\"Normal ParaOverride-1\">My first experience with fieldwork as a student anthropologist took place in a small <em>indigenous<\/em> community in <a href=\"https:\/\/www.google.com\/maps\/place\/State+of+Cear%C3%A1,+Brazil\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span class=\"Hyperlink\">northeastern Brazil<\/span><\/a> studying the Jenipapo-Kanind\u00e9 of <em>Lagoa Encantada<\/em> (Enchanted Lake). I had planned to conduct an independent research project on <em>land tenure<\/em> among members of the indigenous tribe and had gotten permission to spend several months with the community. My Brazilian host family arranged for a relative to drive me to the rural community on the back of his motorcycle. After several hours navigating a series of bumpy roads in blazing equatorial heat, I was relieved to arrive at the edge of the reservation. He cut the motor and I removed my heavy backpack from my tired, sweaty back. Upon hearing us arrive, first children and then adults slowly and shyly began to approach us. I greeted the curious onlookers and briefly explained who I was. As a group of children ran to fetch the <em>cacique<\/em> (the chief\/political leader), I began to explain my research agenda to several of the men who had gathered. I mentioned that I was interested in learning about how the tribe negotiated land use rights without any private land ownership. After hearing me use the colloquial term \u201c<em><span class=\"CharOverride-1\" xml:lang=\"ar-SA\">\u00ed<\/span>ndio<\/em>\u201d (Indian), a man who turned out to be the <em>cacique\u2019s<\/em> cousin came forward and said to me, \u201cWell, your work is going to be difficult because there are no Indians here; we are only Brazilians.\u201d Then, abruptly, another man angrily replied to him, stating firmly that, in fact, they were Indians because the community was on an Indian reservation and the Brazilian government had recognized them as an indigenous tribe. A few women then entered the rapid-fire discussion. I took a step back, surprised by the intensity of my first interaction in the community. The debate subsided once the <em>cacique<\/em> arrived, but it left a strong impression in my mind. Eventually, I discarded my original research plan to focus instead on this disagreement within the community about who they were and were not. In anthropology, this type of conflict in beliefs is known as <strong>contested identity<\/strong>.<\/p>\n<div class=\"_idGenObjectLayout-1\">\n<div id=\"attachment_54\" style=\"width: 310px\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" aria-describedby=\"caption-attachment-54\" class=\"wp-image-54 size-medium\" src=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2795\/2017\/12\/06163315\/fieldwork_figure_2-e1512670844410-300x194.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"300\" height=\"194\" \/><\/p>\n<p id=\"caption-attachment-54\" class=\"wp-caption-text\">Figure 2: Author Katie Nelson (center) with her Brazilian host family, 2001.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<p class=\"Normal\">I soon learned that many among the Jenipapo-Kanind\u00e9 did not embrace the Indian identity label. The tribe members were all monolingual Portuguese-speakers who long ago had lost their original language and many of their traditions. Beginning in the 1980s, several local researchers had conducted studies in the community and had concluded that the community had indigenous origins. Those researchers lobbied on the community\u2019s behalf for official state and federal status as an indigenous reservation, and in 1997 the Funai (<em>Funda\u00e7\u00e3o Nacional do <span class=\"CharOverride-1\" xml:lang=\"ar-SA\">\u00cdndio<\/span><\/em> or National Foundation for the Indian) visited the community and agreed to officially demarcate the land as an indigenous reservation. More than 20 years later, the community is still waiting for that demarcation. Some in the community embraced indigenous status because it came with a number of benefits. The state (Cear\u00e1), using partial funding from Funai, built a new road to improve access to the community. The government also constructed an elementary school and a common well and installed new electric lines. Despite those gains, some members of the community did not embrace indigenous status because being considered Indian had a pejorative connotation in Brazil. Many felt that the label stigmatized them by associating them with a poor and marginalized class of Brazilians. Others resisted the label because of long-standing family and inter-personal conflicts in the community.<\/p>\n<div class=\"_idGenObjectLayout-1\">\n<div id=\"attachment_592\" style=\"width: 181px\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" aria-describedby=\"caption-attachment-592\" class=\"wp-image-592 size-full\" src=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2795\/2017\/12\/08150625\/fieldwork_figure_3-e1512745363252.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"171\" height=\"255\" \/><\/p>\n<p id=\"caption-attachment-592\" class=\"wp-caption-text\">Figure 3: A young Jenipapo-Kanind\u00e9 boy shows off his grass skirt prior to a community dance, 2001.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Fieldwork is the most important method by which cultural anthropologists gather data to answer their research questions. While interacting on a daily basis with a group of people, cultural anthropologists document their observations and perceptions and adjust the focus of their research as needed. They typically spend a few months to a few years living among the people they are studying.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">The \u201cfield\u201d can be anywhere the people are\u2014a village in highland Papua New Guinea or a supermarket in downtown Minneapolis. Just as marine biologists spend time in the ocean to learn about the behavior of marine animals and geologists travel to a mountain range to observe rock formations, anthropologists go to places where people are.<\/p>\n<div class=\"textbox shaded\">\n<h4 class=\"Text-Box-head\">Doing Anthropology<\/h4>\n<p class=\"Text-Box-para-first-last\">In this short film, Stefan Helmreich, Erica James, and Heather Paxson, three members of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology\u2019s Anthropology Department, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=BhCruPBvSjQ\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span class=\"Hyperlink\">talk about their current work and the process of doing fieldwork<\/span><\/a>.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<h3 class=\"H2-below-TB-LO\">Making the Strange Familiar and the Familiar Strange<\/h3>\n<p class=\"Normal\">The cultural anthropologist\u2019s goal during fieldwork is to describe a group of people to others in a way that makes strange or unusual features of the culture seem familiar and familiar traits seem extraordinary. The point is to help people think in new ways about aspects of their own culture by comparing them with other cultures. The research anthropologist Margaret Mead describes in her monograph <em><a href=\"https:\/\/archive.org\/details\/comingofageinsam00mead\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span class=\"Hyperlink CharOverride-1\">Coming of Age in Samoa<\/span> <\/a><\/em>(1928) is a famous example of this. In 1925, Mead went to American Samoa, where she conducted ethnographic research on adolescent girls and their experiences with sexuality and growing up. Mead\u2019s mentor, anthropologist Franz Boas, was a strong proponent of cultural determinism, the idea that one\u2019s cultural upbringing and social environment, rather than one\u2019s biology, primarily determine behavior. Boas encouraged Mead to travel to Samoa to study adolescent behavior there and to compare their culture and behavior with that of adolescents in the United States to lend support to his hypothesis. In the foreword of <em><span class=\"CharOverride-4\">Coming of Age in Samoa<\/span><\/em>, Boas described what he saw as the key insight of her research: \u201cThe results of her painstaking investigation confirm the suspicion long held by anthropologists that much of what we ascribe to human nature is no more than a reaction to the restraints put upon us by our civilization.\u201d<span class=\"Endnote-reference CharOverride-5\"><a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Franz Boas, \u201cForeward,\u201d in Coming of Age in Samoa by Margaret Mead (New York: William Morrow, 1928).\" id=\"return-footnote-75-1\" href=\"#footnote-75-1\" aria-label=\"Footnote 1\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[1]<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Mead studied 25 young women in three villages in Samoa and found that the stress, anxiety, and turmoil of American adolescence were not found among Samoan youth. Rather, young women in Samoa experienced a smooth transition to adulthood with relatively little stress or difficulty. She documented instances of socially accepted sexual experimentation, lack of sexual jealousy and rape, and a general sense of casualness that marked Samoan adolescence. <em>Coming of Age in Samoa<\/em> quickly became popular, launching Mead\u2019s career as one of the most well-known anthropologists in the United States and perhaps the world. The book encouraged American readers to reconsider their own cultural assumptions about what adolescence in the United States should be like, particularly in terms of the sexual repression and turmoil that seemed to characterize the teenage experience in mid-twentieth century America. Through her analysis of the differences between Samoan and American society, Mead also persuasively called for changes in education and parenting for U.S. children and adolescents.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Another classic example of a style of anthropological writing that attempted to make the familiar strange and encouraged readers to consider their own cultures in a different way is Horace Miner\u2019s <em><a href=\"http:\/\/onlinelibrary.wiley.com\/doi\/10.1525\/aa.1956.58.3.02a00080\/abstract\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span class=\"Hyperlink CharOverride-1\">Body Ritual among the Nacirema<\/span><\/a><\/em> (1956). The essay described oral hygiene practices of the Nacirema (\u201cAmerican\u201d spelled backward) in a way that, to cultural insiders, sounded extreme, exaggerated, and out of context. He presented the Nacirema as if they were a little-known cultural group with strange, exotic practices. Miner wrote the essay during an era in which anthropologists were just beginning to expand their focus beyond small-scale traditional societies far from home to large-scale post-industrial societies such as the United States. He wrote the essay primarily as a satire of how anthropologists often wrote about \u201cthe Other\u201d in ways that made other cultures seem exotic and glossed over features that the Other had in common with the anthropologist\u2019s culture. The essay also challenged U.S. readers in general and anthropologists in particular to think differently about their own cultures and re-examine their cultural assumptions about what is \u201cnormal.\u201d<\/p>\n<h3 class=\"H2\">Emic and Etic Perspectives<\/h3>\n<p class=\"Normal\">When anthropologists conduct fieldwork, they gather data. An important tool for gathering anthropological data is <strong>ethnography<\/strong>\u2014the in-depth study of everyday practices and lives of a people. Ethnography produces a detailed description of the studied group at a particular time and location, also known as a \u201c<strong><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">thick description<\/span>,<\/strong>\u201d a term coined by anthropologist Clifford Geertz in his 1973 book <em>The Interpretation of Cultures<\/em> to describe this type of research and writing. A thick description explains not only the behavior or cultural event in question but also the context in which it occurs and anthropological interpretations of it. Such descriptions help readers better understand the internal logic of why people in a culture behave as they do and why the behaviors are meaningful to them. This is important because understanding the attitudes, perspectives, and motivations of cultural insiders is at the heart of anthropology.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Ethnographers gather data from many different sources. One source is the anthropologist\u2019s own observations and thoughts. Ethnographers keep field notebooks that document their ideas and reflections as well as what they do and observe when participating in activities with the people they are studying, a research technique known as <strong>participant observation<\/strong><em>.<\/em> Other sources of data include informal conversations and more-formal interviews that are recorded and transcribed. They also collect documents such as letters, photographs, artifacts, public records, books, and reports.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Different types of data produce different kinds of ethnographic descriptions, which also vary in terms of perspective\u2014from the perspective of the studied culture (<span class=\"CharOverride-2\"><strong>emic<\/strong>)<\/span> or from the perspective of the observer (<strong><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">etic<\/span><\/strong>). Emic perspectives refer to descriptions of behaviors and beliefs in terms that are meaningful to people who belong to a specific culture, e.g., how people perceive and categorize their culture and experiences, why people believe they do what they do, how they imagine and explain things. To uncover emic perspectives, ethnographers talk to people, observe what they do, and participate in their daily activities with them. Emic perspectives are essential for anthropologists\u2019 efforts to obtain a detailed understanding of a culture and to avoid interpreting others through their own cultural beliefs.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Etic perspectives refer to explanations for behavior made by an outside observer in ways that are meaningful to the observer. For an anthropologist, etic descriptions typically arise from conversations between the ethnographer and the anthropological community. These explanations tend to be based in science and are informed by historical, political, and economic studies and other types of research. The etic approach acknowledges that members of a culture are unlikely to view the things they do as noteworthy or unusual. They cannot easily stand back and view their own behavior objectively or from another perspective. For example, you may have never thought twice about the way you brush your teeth and the practice of going to the dentist or how you experienced your teenage years. For you, these parts of your culture are so normal and \u201cnatural\u201d you probably would never consider questioning them. An emic lens gives us an alternative perspective that is essential when constructing a comprehensive view of a people.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Most often, ethnographers include both emic and etic perspectives in their research and writing. They first uncover a studied people\u2019s understanding of what they do and why and then develop additional explanations for the behavior based on anthropological theory and analysis. Both perspectives are important, and it can be challenging to move back and forth between the two. Nevertheless, that is exactly what good ethnographers must do.<\/p>\n<h2 class=\"H1\">ETHNOGRAPHY TODAY<\/h2>\n<h3 class=\"H2-below-H1\">Anthropology\u2019s Distinctive Research Strategy<\/h3>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Ethnography is cultural anthropology\u2019s distinctive research strategy. It was originally developed by anthropologists to study small-scale, relatively isolated cultural groups. Typically, those groups had relatively simple economies and technologies and limited access to larger, more technologically advanced societies. Early ethnographers sought to understand the entirety of a particular culture. They spent months to years living in the community, and in that time, they documented in great detail every dimension of people\u2019s lives, including their language, subsistence strategies, political systems, formation of families and marriages, and religious beliefs. This was important because it helped researchers appreciate the interconnectedness of all dimensions of social life. The key to the success of this ethnographic approach was not only to spend considerable time observing people in their home settings engaged in day-to-day activities but also to participate in those activities. Participation informed an emic perspective of the culture, something that had been missing in earlier social science research.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal ParaOverride-3\">Because of how useful the ethnographic research strategy is in developing an emic perspective, it has been adopted by many other disciplines including sociology, education, psychology, and political science. Education researchers, for example, use ethnography to study children in classrooms to identify their learning strategies and how they understand and make sense of learning experiences. Sociologists use ethnography to study emerging social movements and how participants in such movements stay motivated and connected despite their sometimes-conflicting goals.<\/p>\n<h3 class=\"H2\">New Sites for Ethnographic Fieldwork<\/h3>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Like the cultures and peoples studied, anthropology and ethnography are evolving. Field sites for ethnographic research are no longer exclusively located in far-flung, isolated, non-industrialized societies. Increasingly, anthropologists are conducting ethnographic research in complex, technologically advanced societies such as the United States and in urban environments elsewhere in the world. For instance, my doctoral research took place in the United States. I studied identity formation among <strong>undocumented<\/strong> Mexican immigrant college students in Minnesota. Because some of my informants were living in Mexico when my fieldwork ended, I also traveled to Veracruz, Mexico, and spent time conducting research there. Often, anthropologists who study migration, <strong>diasporas<\/strong>, and people in motion must conduct research in multiple locations. This is known as multi-sited ethnography.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Anthropologists use ethnography to study people wherever they are and however they interact with others. Think of the many ways you ordinarily interact with your friends, family, professors, and boss. Is it all face-to-face communication or do you sometimes use text messages to chat with your friends? Do you also sometimes email your professor to ask for clarification on an assignment and then call your boss to discuss your schedule? Do you share funny videos with others on Facebook and then later make a Skype video call to a relative? These new technological \u201csites\u201d of human interaction are fascinating to many ethnographers and have expanded the definition of fieldwork.<\/p>\n<h3 class=\"H2\">Problem-oriented Research<\/h3>\n<p class=\"Normal\">In the early years, ethnographers were interested in exploring the entirety of a culture. Taking an<strong><span class=\"CharOverride-2\"> inductive<\/span><\/strong> approach, they generally were not concerned about arriving with a relatively narrow predefined research topic. Instead, the goal was to explore the people, their culture, and their homelands and what had previously been written about them. The focus of the study was allowed to emerge gradually during their time in the field. Often, this approach to ethnography resulted in rather general ethnographic descriptions.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Today, anthropologists are increasingly taking a more<strong> deductive<\/strong> approach to ethnographic research. Rather than arriving at the field site with only general ideas about the goals of the study, they tend to select a particular problem before arriving and then let that problem guide their research. In my case, I was interested in how undocumented Mexican immigrant youth in Minnesota formed a sense of identity while living in a society that used a variety of dehumanizing labels such as illegal and alien to refer to them. That was my research \u201cproblem,\u201d and it oriented and guided my study from beginning to end. I did not document every dimension of my informants\u2019 lives; instead, I focused on the things most closely related to my research problem.<\/p>\n<h3 class=\"H2\">Quantitative Methods<\/h3>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Increasingly, cultural anthropologists are using quantitative research methods to complement qualitative approaches. <strong>Qualitative<\/strong> research in anthropology aims to comprehensively describe human behavior and the contexts in which it occurs while <strong>quantitative<\/strong> research seeks patterns in numerical data that can explain aspects of human behavior. Quantitative patterns can be gleaned from statistical analyses, maps, charts, graphs, and textual descriptions. Surveys are a common quantitative technique that usually involves closed-ended questions in which respondents select their responses from a list of pre-defined choices such as their degree of agreement or disagreement, multiple-choice answers, and rankings of items. While surveys usually lack the sort of contextual detail associated with qualitative research, they tend to be relatively easy to code numerically and, as a result, can be easier to analyze than qualitative data. Surveys are also useful for gathering specific data points within a large population, something that is challenging to do with many qualitative techniques.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Anthropological nutritional analysis is an area of research that commonly relies on collecting quantitative data. Nutritional anthropologists explore how factors such as culture, the environment, and economic and political systems interplay to impact human health and nutrition. They may count the calories people consume and expend, document patterns of food consumption, measure body weight and body mass, and test for the presence of parasite infections or nutritional deficiencies. In her ethnography <em>Dancing Skeletons: Life and Death in West Africa <\/em>(1993), Katherine Dettwyler described how she conducted nutritional research in Mali, which involved weighing, measuring, and testing her research subjects to collect a variety of quantitative data to help her understand the causes and consequences of child malnutrition.<\/p>\n<h3 class=\"H2\">Mixed Methods<\/h3>\n<p class=\"Normal\">In recent years, anthropologists have begun to combine ethnography with other types of research methods. These mixed-method approaches integrate qualitative and quantitative evidence to provide a more comprehensive analysis. For instance, anthropologists can combine ethnographic data with questionnaires, statistical data, and a media analysis. Anthropologist Leo Chavez used mixed methods to conduct the research for his book <em>The Latino Threat: Constructing Immigrants, Citizens, and the Nation <\/em>(2008). He started with a problem: how has citizenship been discussed as an identity marker in the mainstream media in the United States, especially among those labeled as Latinos. He then looked for a variety of types of data and relied on ethnographic case studies and on quantitative data from surveys and questionnaires. Chavez also analyzed a series of visual images from photographs, magazine covers, and cartoons that depicted Latinos to explore how they are represented in the American mainstream.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal ParaOverride-3\">Mixed methods can be particularly useful when conducting problem-oriented research on complex, technologically advanced societies such as the United States. Detailed statistical and quantitative data are often available for those types of societies. Additionally, the general population is usually literate and somewhat comfortable with the idea of filling out a questionnaire.<\/p>\n<h2 class=\"H1\">ETHNOGRAPHIC TECHNIQUES AND PERSPECTIVES<\/h2>\n<h3 class=\"H2-below-H1\">Cultural Relativism and Ethnocentrism<\/h3>\n<p class=\"Normal\">The guiding philosophy of modern anthropology is <strong>cultural relativism<\/strong>\u2014the idea that we should seek to understand another person\u2019s beliefs and behaviors from the perspective of their culture rather than our own. Anthropologists do not judge other cultures based on their values nor view other cultural ways of doing things as inferior. Instead, anthropologists seek to understand people\u2019s beliefs within the system they have for explaining things.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Cultural relativism is an important methodological consideration when conducting research. In the field, anthropologists must temporarily suspend their own value, moral, and esthetic judgments and seek to understand and respect the values, morals, and esthetics of the other culture on their terms. This can be a challenging task, particularly when a culture is significantly different from the one in which they were raised.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">During my first field experience in Brazil, I learned firsthand how challenging cultural relativism could be. Preferences for physical proximity and comfort talking about one\u2019s body are among the first differences likely to be noticed by U.S. visitors to Brazil. Compared to Americans, Brazilians generally are much more comfortable standing close, touching, holding hands, and even smelling one another and often discuss each other\u2019s bodies. Children and adults commonly refer to each other using playful nicknames that refer to their body size, body shape, or skin color. Neighbors and even strangers frequently stopped me on the street to comment on the color of my skin (It concerned some as being overly pale or pink\u2014Was I ill? Was I sunburned?), the texture of my hair (How did I get it so smooth? Did I straighten my hair?), and my body size and shape (\u201cYou have a nice bust, but if you lost a little weight around the middle you would be even more attractive!\u201d).<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">During my first few months in Brazil, I had to remind myself constantly that these comments were not rude, disrespectful, or inappropriate as I would have perceived them to be in the United States. On the contrary, it was one of the ways that people showed affection toward me. From a culturally relativistic perspective, the comments demonstrated that they cared about me, were concerned with my well-being, and wanted me to be part of the community. Had I not taken a culturally relativistic view at the outset and instead judged the actions based on my cultural perspective, I would have been continually frustrated and likely would have confused and offended people in the community. And offending your informants and the rest of the community certainly is not conducive to completing high-quality ethnography! Had I not fully understood the importance of body contact and physical proximity in communication in Brazil, I would have missed an important component of the culture.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Another perspective that has been rejected by anthropologists is <strong>ethnocentrism<\/strong>\u2014the tendency to view one\u2019s own culture as most important and correct and as a stick by which to measure all other cultures. People who are ethnocentric view their own cultures as central and normal and reject all other cultures as inferior and morally suspect. As it turns out, many people and cultures are ethnocentric to some degree; ethnocentrism is a common human experience. Why do we respond the way we do? Why do we behave the way we do? Why do we believe what we believe? Most people find these kinds of questions difficult to answer. Often the answer is simply \u201cbecause that is how it is done.\u201d They believe what they believe because that is what one normally believes and doing things any other way seems wrong.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Ethnocentrism is not a useful perspective in contexts in which people from different cultural backgrounds come into close contact with one another, as is the case in many cities and communities throughout the world. People increasingly find that they must adopt culturally relativistic perspectives in governing communities and as a guide for their interactions with members of the community. For anthropologists in the field, cultural relativism is especially important. We must set aside our innate ethnocentrisms and let cultural relativism guide our inquiries and interactions with others so that our observations are not biased. Cultural relativism is at the core of the discipline of anthropology.<\/p>\n<h3 class=\"H2\">Objectivity and Activist Anthropology<\/h3>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Despite the importance of cultural relativism, it is not always possible and at times is inappropriate to maintain complete objectivity in the field. Researchers may encounter cultural practices that are an affront to strongly held moral values or that violate the human rights of a segment of a population. In other cases, they may be conducting research in part to advocate for a particular issue or for the rights of a marginalized group.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Take, for example, the practice of female genital cutting (FGC), also known as female genital mutilation (FGM), a practice that is common in various regions of the world, especially in parts of Africa and the Middle East. Such practices involving modification of female genitals for non-medical and cultural reasons range from clitoridectomy (partial or full removal of the clitoris) to infibulation, which involves removal of the clitoris and the inner and outer labia and suturing to narrow the vaginal opening, leaving only a small hole for the passage of urine and menstrual fluid Anthropologists working in regions where such practices are common often understandably have a strong negative opinion, viewing the practice as unnecessary medically and posing a risk of serious infection, infertility, and complications from childbirth. They may also be opposed to it because they feel that it violates the right of women to experience sexual pleasure, something they likely view as a fundamental human right. Should the anthropologist intervene to prevent girls and women from being subjected to this practice?<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Anthropologist Janice Boddy studied FGC\/FGM in rural northern Sudan and sought to explain it from a culturally relativistic perspective. She found that the practice persists, in part, because it is believed to preserve a woman\u2019s chastity and curb her sexual desire, making her less likely to have affairs once she is married. Boddy\u2019s research showed how the practice makes sense in the context of a culture in which a woman\u2019s sexual conduct is a symbol of her family\u2019s honor, which is important culturally.<span class=\"Endnote-reference _idGenCharOverride-1\"><a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Janice Bodd, Civilizing Women: British Crusades in Colonial Sudan (Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007).\" id=\"return-footnote-75-2\" href=\"#footnote-75-2\" aria-label=\"Footnote 2\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[2]<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Boddy\u2019s relativistic explanation helps make the practice comprehensible and allows cultural outsiders to understand how it is internally culturally coherent. But the question remains. Once anthropologists understand why people practice FGC\/FGM, should they accept it? Because they uncover the cultural meaning of a practice, must they maintain a neutral stance or should they fight a practice viewed as an injustice? How does an anthropologist know what is right?<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Unfortunately, answers to these questions are rarely simple, and anthropologists as a group do not always agree on an appropriate professional stance and responsibility. Nevertheless, examining practices such as FGC\/FGM can help us understand the debate over objectivity versus \u201cactivism\u201d in anthropology more clearly. Some anthropologists feel that striving for objectivity in ethnography is paramount. That even if objectivity cannot be completely achieved, anthropologists\u2019 ethnography should be free from as much subjective opinion as possible. Others take the opposite stance and produce anthropological research and writing as a means of fighting for equality and justice for disempowered or voiceless groups. The debate over how much (if any) activism is acceptable is ongoing. What is clear is that anthropologists are continuing to grapple with the contentious relationship between objectivity and activism in ethnographic research.<\/p>\n<h3 class=\"H2\">Science and Humanism<\/h3>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Anthropologists have described their field as the most humanistic of the sciences and the most scientific of the humanities. Early anthropologists fought to legitimize anthropology as a robust scientific field of study. To do so, they borrowed methods and techniques from the physical sciences and applied them to anthropological inquiry. Indeed, anthropology today is categorized as a social science in most academic institutions in the United States alongside sociology, psychology, economics, and political science. However, in recent decades, many cultural anthropologists have distanced themselves from science-oriented research and embraced more-humanistic approaches, including symbolic and interpretive perspectives. Interpretive anthropology treats culture as a body of \u201ctexts\u201d rather than attempting to test a hypothesis based on deductive or inductive reasoning. The texts present a particular picture from a particular subjective point of view. Interpretive anthropologists believe that it is not necessary (or even possible) to objectively interrogate a text. Rather, they study the texts to untangle the various webs of meaning embedded in them. Consequently, interpretive anthropologists include the context of their interpretations, their own perspectives and, importantly, how the research participants view themselves and the meanings they attribute to their lives.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Anthropologists are unlikely to conclude that a single approach is best. Instead, anthropologists can apply any and all of the approaches that best suit their particular problem. Anthropology is unique among academic disciplines for the diversity of approaches used to conduct research and for the broad range of orientations that fall under its umbrella.<\/p>\n<h3 class=\"H2-below-TB-LO\">Ethnographic Techniques<\/h3>\n<h4 class=\"H3-below-H2\"><em>Observation and Participant Observation<\/em><\/h4>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Of the various techniques and tools used to conduct ethnographic research, observation in general and participant observation in particular are among the most important. Ethnographers are trained to pay attention to everything happening around them when in the field\u2014from routine daily activities such as cooking dinner to major events such as an annual religious celebration. They observe how people interact with each other, how the environment affects people, and how people affect the environment. It is essential for anthropologists to rigorously document their observations, usually by writing field notes and recording their feelings and perceptions in a personal journal or diary.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">As previously mentioned, participant observation involves ethnographers observing while they participate in activities with their informants. This technique is important because it allows the researcher to better understand why people do what they do from an emic perspective. Malinowski noted that participant observation is an important tool by which \u201cto grasp the native\u2019s point of view, his relation to life, to realize <em><span class=\"Emphasis _idGenCharOverride-2\">his<\/span><\/em> vision of <em><span class=\"Emphasis _idGenCharOverride-2\">his<\/span><\/em> world.\u201d<span class=\"Endnote-reference _idGenCharOverride-1\"><a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Bronislaw Malinowski, Argonauts of the Western Pacific: An Account of Native Enterprise and Adventure in the Archipelagoes of Melanesian New Guinea (London: Kegan Paul, 1922), 25.\" id=\"return-footnote-75-3\" href=\"#footnote-75-3\" aria-label=\"Footnote 3\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[3]<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">To conduct participant observation, ethnographers must live with or spend considerable time with their informants to establish a strong rapport with them. Rapport is a sense of trust and a comfortable working relationship in which the informant and the ethnographer are at ease with each other and agreeable to working together.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Participant observation was an important part of my own research. In 2003, I spent six months living in two Mayan villages in highland Chiapas, Mexico. I was conducting ethnographic research on behalf of the Science Museum of Minnesota to document changes in <em>huipil<\/em> textile designs. <em>Huipiles<\/em> (pronounced \u201cwe-peel-ays\u201d) are a type of hand-woven blouse that Mayan women in the region weave and wear, and every town has its own style and designs. At a large city market, one can easily identify the town each weaver is from by the colors and designs of her <em>huipiles<\/em>. For hundreds of years, <em>huipil<\/em> designs changed very little. Then, starting around 1960, the designs and colors of <em>huipiles<\/em> in some of the towns began to change rapidly. I was interested in learning why some towns\u2019 designs were changing more rapidly than other towns\u2019 were and in collecting examples of <em>huipiles<\/em> to supplement the museum\u2019s existing collection.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">I spent time in two towns, Zinacant<span xml:lang=\"ar-SA\">\u00e1<\/span>n and San Andr\u00e9s Larr\u00e1inzar. Zinacant<span xml:lang=\"ar-SA\">\u00e1n<\/span> was located near the main city, San Crist<span xml:lang=\"ar-SA\">\u00f3<\/span>bal de las Casas. It received many tourists each year and had regularly established bus and van routes that locals used to travel to San Crist<span xml:lang=\"ar-SA\">\u00f3<\/span>bal to buy food and other goods. Some of the men in the town had worked in the United States and returned with money to build or improve their family homes and businesses. Other families were supported by <strong>remittances<\/strong> from relatives working in the United States or in other parts of Mexico. San Andr\u00e9s, on the other hand, was relatively isolated and much further from San Crist<span xml:lang=\"ar-SA\">\u00f3<\/span>bal. Most families there relied on subsistence farming or intermittent agricultural labor and had limited access to tourism or to outside communities. San Andr\u00e9s was also the site of a major indigenous revolt in the mid-1990s that resulted in greater autonomy, recognition, and rights for indigenous groups throughout Mexico. Politically and socially, it was a progressive community in many ways but remained conservative in others.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">I first asked people in Zinacant\u00e1n why their <em>huipil<\/em> designs, motifs, and colors seemed to change almost every year. Many women said that they did not know. Others stated that weaving was easy and could be boring so they liked to make changes to keep the <em>huipiles<\/em> interesting and to keep weaving from getting dull. When I asked people in San Andr\u00e9s what they thought about what the women in Zinacant\u00e1n had said, the San Andr\u00e9s women replied that \u201cYes, perhaps they do get bored easily. But we in San Andr\u00e9s are superior weavers and we don\u2019t need to change our designs.\u201d Neither response seemed like the full story behind the difference.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Though I spent hundreds of hours observing women preparing to weave, weaving, and selling their textiles to tourists, I did not truly understand what the women were telling me until I tried weaving myself. When I watched them, the process seemed so easy and simple. They attached strings of thread vertically to two ends of the back-strap looms. When weaving, they increased and decreased the tension on the vertical threads by leaning backward and forward with the back strap and teased individual threads horizontally through the vertical threads to create the desired pattern. After each thread was placed, they pushed it down with great force using a smooth, flat wooden trowel. They did the entire process with great ease and fluidity. When I only watched and did not participate, I could believe the Zinacant\u00e1n women when they told me weaving was easy.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">When I began to weave, it took me several days simply to learn how to sit correctly with a back-strap loom and achieve the appropriate tension. I failed repeatedly at setting up the loom with vertically strung threads and never got close to being able to create a design. Thus, I learned through participant observation that weaving is an exceptionally difficult task. Even expert weavers who had decades of experience sometimes made mistakes as half-finished weavings and rejected textiles littered many homes. Although the women appeared to be able to multi-task while weaving (stoking the fire, calling after small children, cooking food), weaving still required a great deal of concentration to do well.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Through participant observation, I was able to recognize that other factors likely drove the changes in their textiles. I ultimately concluded that the rate of change in <em>huipil<\/em> design in Zinacant\u00e1n was likely related to the pace of cultural change broadly in the community resulting from interactions between its residents and tourists and relatively frequent travel to a more-urban environment. Participant observation was an important tool in my research and is central to most ethnographic studies today.<\/p>\n<h4 class=\"H3\"><em>Conversations and Interviews<\/em><\/h4>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Another primary technique for gathering ethnographic data is simply talking with people\u2014from casual, unstructured conversations about ordinary topics to formal scheduled interviews about a particular topic. An important element for successful conversations and interviews is establishing rapport with informants. Sometimes, engaging in conversation is part of establishing that rapport. Ethnographers frequently use multiple forms of conversation and interviewing for a single research project based on their particular needs. They sometimes record the conversations and interviews with an audio recording device but more often they simply engage in the conversation and then later write down everything they recall about it. Conversations and interviews are an essential part of most ethnographic research designs because spoken communication is central to humans\u2019 experiences.<\/p>\n<h4 class=\"H3\"><em>Gathering Life Histories<\/em><\/h4>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Collecting a personal narrative of someone\u2019s life is a valuable ethnographic technique and is often combined with other techniques. Life histories provide the context in which culture is experienced and created by individuals and describe how individuals have reacted, responded, and contributed to changes that occurred during their lives. They also help anthropologists be more aware of what makes life meaningful to an individual and to focus on the particulars of individual lives, on the tenor of their experiences and the patterns that are important to them. Researchers often include life histories in their ethnographic texts as a way of intimately connecting the reader to the lives of the informants.<\/p>\n<h4 class=\"H3\"><em>The Genealogical Method<\/em><\/h4>\n<p class=\"Normal\">The genealogical (kinship) method has a long tradition in ethnography. Developed in the early years of anthropological research to document the family systems of tribal groups, it is still used today to discover connections of <strong>kinship<\/strong>, descent, marriage, and the overall social system. Because kinship and genealogy are so important in many nonindustrial societies, the technique is used to collect data on important relationships that form the foundation of the society and to trace social relationships more broadly in communities.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">When used by anthropologists, the genealogical method involves using symbols and diagrams to document relationships. Circles represent women and girls, triangles represent men and boys, and squares represent ambiguous or unknown gender. Equal signs between individuals represent their union or marriage and vertical lines descending from a union represent parent-child relationships. Children are usually represented from left to right &#8211; oldest to youngest. The death of an individual and the termination of a marriage are denoted by diagonal lines drawn across the shapes and equal signs. Kinship charts are diagrammed from the perspective of one person who is called the Ego, and all of the relationships in the chart are based on how the others are related to the Ego. Individuals in a chart are sometimes identified by numbers or names, and an accompanying list provides more-detailed information.<\/p>\n<div class=\"_idGenObjectLayout-1\"><\/div>\n<div id=\"attachment_71\" style=\"width: 310px\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" aria-describedby=\"caption-attachment-71\" class=\"wp-image-71 size-medium\" src=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2795\/2017\/12\/06163339\/fieldwork_figure_6-e1512673282490-300x159.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"300\" height=\"159\" \/><\/p>\n<p id=\"caption-attachment-71\" class=\"wp-caption-text\">Figure 4: Anthropological Kinship Chart Created by one of Katie Nelson\u2019s Cultural Anthropology students<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<h4 class=\"H3\"><em>Key Informants<\/em><\/h4>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Within any culture or subculture, there are always particular individuals who are more knowledgeable about the culture than others and who may have more-detailed or privileged knowledge. Anthropologists conducting ethnographic research in the field often seek out such cultural specialists to gain a greater understanding of certain issues and to answer questions they otherwise could not answer. When an anthropologist establishes a rapport with these individuals and begins to rely more on them for information than on others, the cultural specialists are referred to as key informants or key cultural consultants.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Key informants can be exceptional assets in the field, allowing the ethnographer to uncover the meanings of behaviors and practices the researcher cannot otherwise understand. Key informants can also help researchers by directly observing others and reporting those observations to the researchers, especially in situations in which the researcher is not allowed to be present or when the researcher\u2019s presence could alter the participants\u2019 behavior. In addition, ethnographers can check information they obtained from other informants, contextualize it, and review it for accuracy. Having a key informant in the field is like having a research ally. The relationship can grow and become enormously fruitful.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">A famous example of the central role that key informants can play in an ethnographer\u2019s research is a man named Doc in William Foote Whyte\u2019s <em>Street Corner Society <\/em>(1943)<em>. <\/em>In the late 1930s, Whyte studied social relations between street gangs and \u201ccorner boys\u201d in a Boston urban slum inhabited by first- and second-generation Italian immigrants. A social worker introduced Whyte to Doc and the two hit it off. Doc proved instrumental to the success of Whyte\u2019s research. He introduced Whyte to his family and social group and vouched for him in the tight-knit community, providing access that Whyte could not have gained otherwise.<\/p>\n<h4 class=\"H3\"><em>Field Notes<\/em><\/h4>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Field notes are indispensable when conducting ethnographic research. Although making such notes is time-consuming, they form the primary record of one\u2019s observations. Generally speaking, ethnographers write two kinds of notes: field notes and personal reflections. Field notes are detailed descriptions of everything the ethnographer observes and experiences. They include specific details about what happened at the field site, the ethnographer\u2019s sensory impressions, and specific words and phrases used by the people observed. They also frequently include the content of conversations the ethnographer had and things the ethnographer overheard others say. Ethnographers also sometimes include their personal reflections on the experience of writing field notes. Often, brief notes are jotted down in a notebook while the anthropologist is observing and participating in activities. Later, they expand on those quick notes to make more formal field notes, which may be organized and typed into a report. It is common for ethnographers to spend several hours a day writing and organizing field notes.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Ethnographers often also keep a personal journal or diary that may include information about their emotions and personal experiences while conducting research. These personal reflections can be as important as the field notes. Ethnography is not an objective science. Everything researchers do and experience in the field is filtered through their personal life experiences. Two ethnographers may experience a situation in the field in different ways and understand the experience differently. For this reason, it is important for researchers to be aware of their reactions to situations and be mindful of how their life experiences affect their perceptions. In fact, this sort of reflexive insight can turn out to be a useful data source and analytical tool that improves the researcher\u2019s understanding.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">The work of anthropologist Renato Rosaldo provides a useful example of how anthropologists can use their emotional responses to fieldwork situations to advance their research. In 1981, Rosaldo and his wife, Michelle, were conducting research among the Ilongots of Northern Luzon in the Philippines. Rosaldo was studying men in the community who engaged in emotional rampages in which they violently murdered others by cutting off their heads. Although the practice had been banned by the time Rosaldo arrived, a longing to continue headhunting remained in the cultural psyche of the community.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Whenever Rosaldo asked a man why he engaged in headhunting, the answer was that rage and grief caused him to kill others. At the beginning of his fieldwork, Rosaldo felt that the response was overly simplistic and assumed that there had to be more to it than that. He was frustrated because he could not uncover a deeper understanding of the phenomenon. Then, on October 11, 1981, Rosaldo\u2019s wife was walking along a ravine when she tripped, lost her footing, and fell 65 feet to her death, leaving Rosaldo a grieving single father. In his essay \u201cGrief and a Headhunter\u2019s Rage,\u201d Rosaldo later wrote that it was his own struggle with rage as he grieved for his wife that helped him truly grasp what the Ilongot men meant when they described their grief and rage.<\/p>\n<blockquote>\n<p class=\"Quotation\">Only a week before completing the initial draft of an earlier version of this introduction, I rediscovered my journal entry, written some six weeks after Michelle\u2019s death, in which I made a vow to myself about how I would return to writing anthropology, if I ever did so, by writing Grief and a Headhunter\u2019s Rage . . . My journal went on to reflect more broadly on death, rage, and headhunting by speaking of my wish for the Ilongot solution; they are much more in touch with reality than Christians. So, I need a place to carry my anger \u2013 and can we say a solution of the imagination is better than theirs? And can we condemn them when we napalm villages? Is our rationale so much sounder than theirs? All this was written in despair and rage.<span class=\"Endnote-reference _idGenCharOverride-1\"><a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Renato Rosaldo, \u201cGrief and a Headhunter\u2019s Rage,\u201d in Violence in War and Peace, ed. Nancy Scheper-Hughes and Philippe I. Bourgois (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2004), 171.\" id=\"return-footnote-75-4\" href=\"#footnote-75-4\" aria-label=\"Footnote 4\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[4]<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Only through the very personal and emotionally devastating experience of losing his wife was Rosaldo able to understand the emic perspective of the headhunters. The result was an influential and insightful ethnographic account.<\/p>\n<h2 class=\"H2\">Women and Fieldwork<\/h2>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Female anthropologists have always played a key role in anthropology. In sex-segregated societies, they have had unique access to women\u2019s worlds. Recently, they have analyzed how gender might affect styles of authorship and authority in ethnographies. Social characteristics, including gender, race, class, sexuality, and religion, also influence how an anthropologist engages in fieldwork and how she and her colleagues relate to one another.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Ruth Behar, \u201cIntroduction: Out of Exile,\u201d in Women Writing Culture, ed. Ruth Behar and Deborah Gordon (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995); Peggy Golde, Women in the Field: Anthropological Experiences (Chicago, IL: Aldine Publishing Company, 1970); Nancy J. Parezo, Hidden Scholars: Women Anthropologists and the Native American Southwest (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 5\u20139.\" id=\"return-footnote-75-5\" href=\"#footnote-75-5\" aria-label=\"Footnote 5\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[5]<\/sup><\/a> Sometimes the identity of an anthropologist creates new opportunities for deeper understanding and connection, but at other times one\u2019s personal identity can create professional challenges.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Women face particular challenges when conducting fieldwork regardless of the culture but particularly in sex-segregated and patriarchal societies. Sometimes women are perceived as more vulnerable than men to sexual harassment, and their romantic choices in fieldwork situations are subject to greater scrutiny than choices made by men in similar situations.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Helen Brannagh, \u201cSex \u2018Suggested\u2019 and Power Play: Notes on Harassment in the Field,\u201d in China: New Faces of Ethnography, ed. Bettina Gransow, Pal Nyiri, and Shiaw-Chian Fong (Piscataway, NJ: Verlag, 2005); Fran Markowitz and Michael Ashkenaziand, Sex, Sexuality, and the Anthropologist (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999).\" id=\"return-footnote-75-6\" href=\"#footnote-75-6\" aria-label=\"Footnote 6\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[6]<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0Women may be more likely to juggle family responsibilities and professional projects and bring children with them for fieldwork. At first glance, this practice may raise eyebrows because of the risks it brings to accompanying children and because of potential negative impacts on the anthropologist\u2019s planned work, but many female anthropologists have found fieldwork undertaken with their families to be a transformative experience both professionally and personally. Whereas appearing as a decontextualized single fieldworker can arouse suspicion, arriving at a field site with the recognizable identities of parent, daughter, or spouse can help people conceptualize the anthropologist as someone with a role beyond camera-toting interviewer and observer. At the same time, arriving as a multi-person group also complicates what Jocelyn Linnekin called \u201cimpression management.\u201d One\u2019s child is often less aware of delicate matters and less sensitive in communicating preferences to hosts, causing potentially embarrassing situations but also creating levity that might otherwise be slow to develop. Fieldwork as a family unit also allows for a different rhythm to the elusive work-life balance; many families have reported cherishing time spent together during fieldwork since they rarely had so much time together in their activity-filled home settings.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"See Candice Cornet and Tami Blumenfield, \u201cAnthropological Fieldwork and Families in China and Beyond,\u201d in Doing Fieldwork in China\u2026with Kids! The Dynamics of Accompanied Fieldwork in the People\u2019s Republic, ed. Candice Cornet and Tami Blumenfield (Copenhagen: NIAS Press, 2006); Tami Blumenfield, \u201cBlurred Boundaries of Learning and Ethnography in an Era of Constant Connectedness: Lessons from Fieldwork with Children in Southwest China,\u201d ibid, 69\u201385. Additional perspectives from a father-son duo and a mother-daughter pair in the same volume are those by Eriberto P. Lozada Jr. and E. Patrick Lozada III, \u201cOpening the Door (\u5f00\u95e8): Doing Fieldwork with Children in Rural China,\u201d and by Jeanne L. Shea, \u201cClean Your Plate and Don\u2019t Be Polite: An American Mother\u2019s Education in Early Childhood Parenting and Family Life in Shanghai, China.\u201d For another discussion of how children influence perceptions of a fieldworking parent, see Jocelyn Linnekin, \u201cFamily and Other Uncontrollables: Impression Management in Accompanied Fieldwork,\u201d in Fieldwork and Families: Constructing New Models for Ethnographic Research, ed. Juliana Flinn, Leslie Marshall, and Jocelyn Armstrong (Honolulu: Hawaii University Press, 1998), 71\u201383.\" id=\"return-footnote-75-7\" href=\"#footnote-75-7\" aria-label=\"Footnote 7\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[7]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">More anthropologists now conduct fieldwork in their home communities. Some wish to explore theoretical and empirical questions best examined in local field sites. Others are reluctant or unable to relocate their families or partners temporarily. Conducting fieldwork close to home can also be a less expensive option than going abroad! But the boundaries of field and home can become quite porous. In their writings, women anthropologists reveal how the realms of public and private and political and personal are connected in the field\/home. Innovative, activist, and self-reflective studies address intersections that other scholars treat separately.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Lynn Bolles, \u201cTelling the Story Straight: Black Feminist Intellectual Thought in Anthropology\u201d Transforming Anthropology: Journal of the Association of Black Anthropologists 21 no. 1 (2013): 63\u201364.\" id=\"return-footnote-75-8\" href=\"#footnote-75-8\" aria-label=\"Footnote 8\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[8]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<h2 class=\"H1\">ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS<\/h2>\n<p class=\"Normal ParaOverride-4\">As anthropologists developed more sophisticated concepts of culture, they also gained a greater understanding of the ethical challenges associated with anthropological research. Because participant-observation fieldwork brings anthropologists into close relationships with the people they study, many complicated issues can arise. Cultural relativism is a perspective that encourages anthropologists to show respect to members of other cultures, but it was not until after World War II that the profession of anthropology recognized a need to develop formal standards of professional conduct.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal ParaOverride-4\">The Nuremberg trials, which began in 1946 Nuremberg, Germany, were conducted under the direction of France, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom, and the United States, prosecuted members of the Nazi regime for war crimes. In addition to military and political figures, physicians and scientists were also prosecuted for unethical human experimentation and mass murder. The trials demonstrated that physicians and other scientists could be dangerous if they used their skills for abusive or exploitative goals. The <a href=\"https:\/\/history.nih.gov\/research\/downloads\/nuremberg.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span class=\"Hyperlink\">Nuremberg Code<\/span><\/a> that emerged from the trials is considered a landmark document in medical and research ethics. It established principles for the ethical treatment of the human subjects involved in any medical or scientific research.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal ParaOverride-4\">Because of events such as the Nuremberg trials, many universities embraced research ethical guidelines for the treatment of human subjects. Anthropologists and students who work in universities where these guidelines exist are obliged to follow these rules. The <a href=\"http:\/\/ethics.americananthro.org\/category\/statement\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span class=\"Hyperlink\">American Anthropological Association<\/span><\/a> (AAA), along with many anthropology organizations in other countries, developed codes of ethics describing specific expectations for anthropologists engaged in research in a variety of settings. The principles in the AAA <a href=\"http:\/\/ethics.americananthro.org\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span class=\"Hyperlink\">Code of Ethics<\/span><\/a> include: do no harm; be open and honest regarding your work; obtain informed consent and necessary permissions; ensure the vulnerable populations in every study are protected from competing ethical obligations; make your results accessible; protect and preserve your records; and maintain respectful and ethical professional relationships. These principles sound simple, but can be complicated in practice.]<\/p>\n<h3 class=\"H2\">Do No Harm<\/h3>\n<p class=\"Normal\">First and foremost, anthropologists must ensure that their involvement with a community does not harm or embarrass their informants. Researchers must carefully consider any potential harm associated with the research, including legal, emotional, political, economic, social, and cultural dimensions, and take steps to insulate their informants from such harm. Since it is not always possible to anticipate every potential repercussion at the outset, anthropologists also must continually monitor their work to ensure that their research design and methods minimize any risk.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Today, Do No Harm is a central ethical value in anthropology. However, it can be difficult to predict every challenge one may encounter in the field or after the work is published. Anthropologists must continually reevaluate their research and writing to ensure that it does not harm the informants or their communities. Before fieldwork begins, researchers from universities, colleges, and institutions usually must submit their research agendas to an institutional review board (IRB). IRBs review research plans to ensure that the proposed studies will not harm human subjects. In many cases, the IRB is aware of the unique challenges and promise of anthropological research and can guide the researcher in eliminating or mitigating potential ethical problems.<\/p>\n<h3 class=\"H2\">Obtain Informed Consent<\/h3>\n<p class=\"Normal\">In addition to taking care to do no harm, anthropologists must obtain informed consent from all of their informants before conducting any research. Informed consent is the informant\u2019s agreement to take part in the study. Originally developed in the context of medical and psychological research, this ethical guideline is also relevant to anthropology. Informants must be aware of who the anthropologist is and the research topic, who is financially and otherwise supporting the research, how the research will be used, and who will have access to it. Finally, their participation must be <em>optional<\/em> and not coerced. They should be able to stop participating at any time and be aware of and comfortable with any risks associated with their participation.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">In medical and psychological research settings in the United States, researchers typically obtain informed consent by asking prospective participants to sign a document that outlines the research and the risks involved in their participation, acknowledging that they agree to take part. In some anthropological contexts, however, this type of informed consent may not be appropriate. People may not trust the state, bureaucratic processes, or authority, for example. Asking them to sign a formal legal-looking document may intimidate them. Likewise, informed consent cannot be obtained with a signed document if many in the community cannot read. The anthropologist must determine the most appropriate way to obtain informed consent in the context of the particular research setting.<\/p>\n<h3 class=\"H2\">Maintain Anonymity and Privacy<\/h3>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Another important ethical consideration for anthropologists in the field is ensuring the anonymity and privacy of informants who need such protection. When I did research among undocumented Mexican immigrant college students, I recognized that my informants\u2019 legal status put them at considerable risk. I took care to use pseudonyms for all of the informants, even when writing field notes. In my writing, I changed the names of the informants\u2019 relatives, friends, schools, and work places to protect them from being identified. Maintaining privacy and anonymity is an important way for anthropologists to ensure that their involvement does no harm.<\/p>\n<h3 class=\"H2\">Make Results Accessible<\/h3>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Finally, anthropologists must always make their final research results accessible to their informants and to other researchers. For informants, a written report in the researcher\u2019s native language may not be the best way to convey the results. Reports can be translated or the results can be converted into a more accessible format. Examples of creative ways in which anthropologists have made their results available include establishing accessible databases for their research data, contributing to existing databases, producing films that portray the results, and developing texts or recommendations that provide tangible assistance to the informants\u2019 communities. Though it is not always easy to make research results accessible in culturally appropriate ways, it is essential that others have the opportunity to review and benefit from the research, especially those who participated in its creation.<\/p>\n<h3 class=\"H2-below-H1\">Analysis and Interpretation of Research Findings<\/h3>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Once all or most of the fieldwork is complete, ethnographers analyze their data and research findings before beginning to write. There are many techniques for data analysis from which to choose based on the strategy and goals of the research. Regardless of the particular technique, data analysis involves a systematic interpretation of what the researcher thinks the data mean. The ethnographer reviews all of the data collected, synthesizes findings from the review, and integrates those findings with prior studies on the topic. Once the analysis is complete, the ethnographer is ready to write an account of the fieldwork.<\/p>\n<h3 class=\"H2\">Ethnographic Authority<\/h3>\n<p class=\"Normal\">In recent years, anthropologists have expressed concern about how ethnographies should be written in terms of ethnographic authority: how ethnographers present themselves and their informants in text. In a nonfiction text, the author is a mediator between readers and the topic and the text is written to help readers understand an unfamiliar topic. In an ethnography, the topic is people, and people naturally vary in terms of their thoughts, opinions, beliefs, and perspectives. That is, they have individual voices. In the past, anthropologists commonly wrote ethnographic accounts as if they possessed the ultimate most complete scientific knowledge on the topic. Subsequently, anthropologists began to challenge that writing style, particularly when it did not include the voices of their informants in the text and analysis. Some of this criticism originated with feminist anthropologists who noted that women\u2019s experiences and perspectives frequently were omitted and misrepresented in this style of writing. Others believed that this style of writing reinforced existing global power dynamics and privileges afforded to Western anthropologists\u2019 voices as most important.<\/p>\n<h3 class=\"H2\">Polyvocality<\/h3>\n<p class=\"Normal\">In response to criticisms about ethnographic authority, anthropologists have begun to include polyvocality. A polyvocal text is one in which more than one person\u2019s voice is presented, and its use can range from ensuring that informants\u2019 perspectives are presented in the text while still writing in the researcher\u2019s voice to including informants\u2019 actual words rather than paraphrasing them and co-authoring the ethnography with an informant. A good example of polyvocality is anthropologist Ruth Behar\u2019s book <em>Translated Woman: Crossing the Border with Esperanza\u2019s Story <\/em>(1993). Behar\u2019s book documents the life story of a Mexican street peddler, Esperanza Hern\u00e1ndez, and their unique friendship. Large sections of the book are in Esperanza\u2019s own words and discuss issues that are important to her. Behar also includes pieces of her own life story and an anthropological analysis of Esperanza\u2019s story.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">By using polyvocality, researchers can avoid writing from the perspective of the ultimate ethnographic authority. A polyvocal style also allows readers to be more involved in the text since they have the opportunity to form their own opinions about the ethnographic data and perhaps even critique the author\u2019s analysis. It also encourages anthropologists to be more transparent when presenting their methods and data.<\/p>\n<h3 class=\"H2\">Reflexivity<\/h3>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Reflexivity is another relatively new approach to ethnographic research and writing. Beginning in the 1960s, social science researchers began to think more carefully about the effects of their life experiences, status, and roles on their research and analyses. They began to insert themselves into their texts, including information about their personal experiences, thoughts, and life stories and to analyze in the accounts how those characteristics affected their research and analysis.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Adoption of reflexivity is perhaps the most significant change in how ethnography is researched and written in the past 50 years. It calls on anthropologists to acknowledge that they are part of the world they study and thus can never truly be objective. Reflexivity has also contributed to anthropologists\u2019 appreciation of the unequal power dynamics of research and the effects those dynamics can have on the results. Reflexivity reminds the ethnographer that there are multiple ways to interpret any given cultural scenario. By acknowledging how their backgrounds affect their interpretations, anthropologists can begin to remove themselves from the throne of ethnographic authority and allow other, less-empowered voices to be heard.<\/p>\n<div class=\"textbox exercises\">\n<h3 class=\"H1\">DISCUSSION QUESTIONS<\/h3>\n<ol>\n<li class=\"Discussion-Questions-numbered\">If you were to conduct anthropological fieldwork anywhere in the world, were would you go? What would you study? Why? Which ethnographic techniques would you use? What kinds of ethical considerations would you likely encounter? How would you disseminate your research?<\/li>\n<li class=\"Discussion-Questions-numbered\">What is unique about ethnographic fieldwork and how did it emerge as a key strategy in anthropology?<\/li>\n<li class=\"Discussion-Questions-numbered\">How do traditional approaches to ethnographic fieldwork contrast with contemporary approaches?<\/li>\n<li class=\"Discussion-Questions-numbered\">What are some of the contemporary ethnographic fieldwork techniques and perspectives and why are they important to anthropology?<\/li>\n<li class=\"Discussion-Questions-numbered\">What are some of the ethical considerations in doing anthropological fieldwork and why are they important?<\/li>\n<li class=\"Discussion-Questions-numbered\">How do anthropologists transform their fieldwork data into a story that communicates meaning? How are reflexivity and polyvocality changing the way anthropologists communicate their work?<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"textbox key-takeaways\">\n<h3 class=\"H1\">GLOSSARY<\/h3>\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><span class=\"CharOverride-2\"><strong>Contested identity<\/strong>: <\/span>a dispute within a group about the collective identity or identities of the group.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><strong><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Cultural relativism<\/span><\/strong>: the idea that we should seek to understand another person\u2019s beliefs and behaviors from the perspective of their own culture and not our own.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><strong><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Deductive<\/span><\/strong>: reasoning from the general to the specific; the inverse of inductive reasoning. Deductive research is more common in the natural sciences than in anthropology. In a deductive approach, the researcher creates a hypothesis and then designs a study to prove or disprove the hypothesis. The results of deductive research can be generalizable to other settings.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><span class=\"CharOverride-2\"><strong>Diaspora<\/strong>: <\/span>the scattering of a group of people who have left their original homeland and now live in various locations. Examples of people living in the diaspora are Salvadoran immigrants in the United States and Europe, Somalian refugees in various countries, and Jewish people living around the world.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><span class=\"CharOverride-2\"><strong>Emic<\/strong>:<\/span> a description of the studied culture from the perspective of a member of the culture or insider.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><span class=\"CharOverride-2\"><strong>Ethnocentrism<\/strong>:<\/span> the tendency to view one\u2019s own culture as most important and correct and as the stick by which to measure all other cultures.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><span class=\"CharOverride-2\"><strong>Ethnography<\/strong>:<\/span> the in-depth study of the everyday practices and lives of a people.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><span class=\"CharOverride-2\"><strong>Etic<\/strong>:<\/span> a description of the studied culture from the perspective of an observer or outsider.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><span class=\"CharOverride-2\"><strong>Indigenous<\/strong>: <\/span>people who have continually lived in a particular location for a long period of time (prior to the arrival of others) or who have historical ties to a location and who are culturally distinct from the dominant population surrounding them. Other terms used to refer to indigenous people are aboriginal, native, original, first nation, and first people. Some examples of indigenous people are Native Americans of North America, Australian Aborigines, and the Berber (or Amazigh) of North Africa.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><span class=\"CharOverride-2\"><strong>Inductive<\/strong>: <\/span>a type of reasoning that uses specific information to draw general conclusions. In an inductive approach, the researcher seeks to collect evidence without trying to definitively prove or disprove a hypothesis. The researcher usually first spends time in the field to become familiar with the people before identifying a hypothesis or research question. Inductive research usually is not generalizable to other settings.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><span class=\"CharOverride-2\"><strong>Key Informants<\/strong>:<\/span> individuals who are more knowledgeable about their culture than others and who are particularly helpful to the anthropologist.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><span class=\"CharOverride-2\"><strong>Kinship<\/strong>: <\/span>blood ties, common ancestry, and social relationships that form families within human groups.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><span class=\"CharOverride-2\"><strong>Land tenure<\/strong>: <\/span>h<span class=\"st\">ow property rights to land are allocated within societies, including how permissions are granted to access, use, control, and transfer land.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><strong><span class=\"st CharOverride-2\">Noble savage<\/span><\/strong><span class=\"st\">: an inaccurate way of portraying indigenous groups or minority cultures as innocent, childlike, or uncorrupted by the negative characteristics of \u201ccivilization.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><span class=\"CharOverride-2\"><strong>Participant observation<\/strong>:<\/span> a type of observation in which the anthropologist observes while participating in the same activities in which her informants are engaged.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><strong><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Qualitative<\/span><\/strong>: anthropological research designed to gain an in-depth, contextualized understanding of human behavior.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><strong><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Quantitative<\/span><\/strong>: anthropological research that uses <span class=\"st\">statistical, mathematical, and\/or numerical data to study human behavior.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><span class=\"CharOverride-2\"><strong>Remittances<\/strong>: <\/span>money that migrants laboring outside of the region or country send back to their hometowns and families. In Mexico, remittances make up a substantial share of the total income of some towns\u2019 populations.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><span class=\"CharOverride-2\"><strong>Thick description<\/strong>: <\/span>a term coined by anthropologist Clifford Geertz in his 1973 book <em>The Interpretation of Cultures<\/em> to describe a detailed description of the studied group that not only explains the behavior or cultural event in question but also the context in which it occurs and anthropological interpretations of it.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Glossary\"><span class=\"CharOverride-2\"><strong>Undocumented<\/strong>: <\/span>the preferred term for immigrants who live in a country without formal authorization from the state. Undocumented refers to the fact that these people lack the official documents that would legally permit them to reside in the country. Other terms such as illegal immigrant and illegal alien are often used to refer to this population. Anthropologists consider those terms to be discriminatory and dehumanizing. The word undocumented acknowledges the human dignity and cultural and political ties immigrants have developed in their country of residence despite their inability to establish formal residence permissions.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"textbox shaded\">\n<h3 class=\"H1\">ABOUT THE AUTHOR<\/h3>\n<div class=\"_idGenObjectLayout-1\"><\/div>\n<p class=\"Normal-no-indent\"><strong><span class=\"CharOverride-2\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-74 alignleft\" src=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2795\/2017\/12\/06163343\/fieldwork_figure_7-281x300.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"281\" height=\"300\" \/>Katie Nelson<\/span><\/strong>, PhD is a professor of anthropology at Inver Hills Community College. Her current research focuses on identity, belonging and citizenship(s) among migrant and undocumented populations in the U.S., Mexico and Morocco. She is particularly interested in examining how migrants forge a sense of identity and belonging in the contexts of national discourses that problematize their presence. She serves as the incoming Chair-elect of the Teaching Anthropology Interest Group, a part of the General Anthropology Division of the American Anthropological Association. She is fluent in the Spanish and Portuguese languages and is currently learning French and Arabic. Katie received her BA in Anthropology and Latin American Studies from Macalester College, her MA in Anthropology from the University of California, Santa Barbara, an MA in Education and Instructional Technology from the University of Saint Thomas and her PhD from CIESAS Occidente (Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropolog\u00eda Social \u2013 Center for Research and Higher Education in Social Anthropology), based in Guadalajara, Mexico.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"textbox\">\n<h3 class=\"H1\">BIBLIOGRAPHY<\/h3>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Behar, Ruth. <em>Translated Woman: Crossing the Border with Esperanza\u2019s Story<\/em>. Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 1993.<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Boddy, Janice. <em>Civilizing Women: British Crusades in Colonial Sudan<\/em>. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007.<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Chagnon, Napoleon. <em>Yanomam\u00f6: The Fierce People<\/em>. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1968.<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Chavez, Leo. <em>The Latino Threat: Constructing Immigrants, Citizens and the Nation<\/em>. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2008.<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Dettwyler, Katherine A. <em>Dancing Skeletons: Life and Death in West Africa<\/em>. Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, 2014<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Frazer, James. <em>The Golden Bough: A Study in Comparative Religion<\/em>. London: Macmillian Press, 1894.<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Geertz, Clifford. <em>The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays<\/em>. New York: Basic Books, 1973.<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Gordon, Peter. \u201cNumerical Cognition without Words: Evidence from Amazonia.\u201d <em>Science<\/em> 306 no. 5695 (2004): 496\u2013499.<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Malinowski, Bronislaw. <em>Argonauts of the Western Pacific: An Account of Native Enterprise and Adventure in the Archipelagoes of Melanesian New Guinea<\/em>. London: Kegan Paul 1922.<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Mead, Margaret. <em>Coming of Age in Samoa: A Psychological Study of Primitive Youth for Western Civilization<\/em>. New York: William Morrow and Company, 1928.<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Miner, Horace. \u201cBody Ritual Among the Nacirema.\u201d <em>American Anthropologist<\/em> 58 no. 3 (1956): 503-507.<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Nelson, Katherine. 2015. <em>Between Citizenship and Alienage: Flexible Identity Among Informally Authorized Mexican College Students in Minnesota<\/em>, USA. PhD diss., CIESAS Occidente (Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropolog\u00eda Social \u2013 Institute for Research and Higher Education in Social Anthropology).<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Rosaldo, Renato. \u201cGrief and a Headhunter\u2019s Rage\u201d in <span class=\"citation CharOverride-1\">Violence in War and Peace, <\/span><span class=\"citation\">edited by Nancy Scheper-Hughes and Philippe I. Bourgois, 150-156. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2004.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Scheper-Hughes, Nancy. <em>Saints, Scholars, Schizophrenics: Mental Illness in Rural Ireland<\/em>. Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press, 1979.<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\"><span class=\"citation\">Whorf, Benjamin Lee. \u201cScience and Linguistics.\u201d <\/span><span class=\"citation CharOverride-1\">MIT Technology Review<\/span><span class=\"citation\">: <\/span>42 (1940): 229\u2013248.<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\"><span class=\"citation\">Whyte, William Foote. <\/span><span class=\"citation CharOverride-1\">Street Corner Society: The Social Structure of an Italian Slum<\/span><span class=\"citation\">. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993[1943].<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n\n\t\t\t <section class=\"citations-section\" role=\"contentinfo\">\n\t\t\t <h3>Candela Citations<\/h3>\n\t\t\t\t\t <div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t <div id=\"citation-list-75\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t <div class=\"licensing\"><div class=\"license-attribution-dropdown-subheading\">CC licensed content, Shared previously<\/div><ul class=\"citation-list\"><li>Perspectives: An Open Invitation to Cultural Anthropology. <strong>Authored by<\/strong>: Edited by Nina Brown, Laura Tubelle de Gonzalez, and Thomas McIlwraith. <strong>Provided by<\/strong>: American Anthropological Association. <strong>Located at<\/strong>: <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/perspectives.americananthro.org\/\">http:\/\/perspectives.americananthro.org\/<\/a>. <strong>License<\/strong>: <em><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"license\" href=\"https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/licenses\/by-nc\/4.0\/\">CC BY-NC: Attribution-NonCommercial<\/a><\/em><\/li><li>added content &amp; made edits. <strong>Authored by<\/strong>: Nadine Fernandez. <strong>License<\/strong>: <em><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"license\" href=\"https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/licenses\/by-nc\/4.0\/\">CC BY-NC: Attribution-NonCommercial<\/a><\/em><\/li><\/ul><\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t <\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t <\/div>\n\t\t\t <\/section><hr class=\"before-footnotes clear\" \/><div class=\"footnotes\"><ol><li id=\"footnote-75-1\">Franz Boas, \u201cForeward,\u201d in <em>Coming of Age in Samoa<\/em> by Margaret Mead (New York: William Morrow, 1928). <a href=\"#return-footnote-75-1\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 1\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-75-2\">Janice Bodd, Civilizing Women: British Crusades in Colonial Sudan (Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007). <a href=\"#return-footnote-75-2\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 2\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-75-3\">Bronislaw Malinowski, Argonauts of the Western Pacific: An Account of Native Enterprise and Adventure in the Archipelagoes of Melanesian New Guinea (London: Kegan Paul, 1922), 25. <a href=\"#return-footnote-75-3\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 3\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-75-4\">Renato Rosaldo, \u201cGrief and a Headhunter\u2019s Rage,\u201d in Violence in War and Peace, ed. Nancy Scheper-Hughes and Philippe I. Bourgois (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2004), 171. <a href=\"#return-footnote-75-4\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 4\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-75-5\">Ruth Behar, \u201cIntroduction: Out of Exile,\u201d in <em>Women Writing Culture<\/em>, ed. Ruth Behar and Deborah Gordon (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995); Peggy Golde, <em>Women in the Field: Anthropological Experiences<\/em> (Chicago, IL: Aldine Publishing Company, 1970); Nancy J. Parezo, <em>Hidden Scholars: Women Anthropologists and the Native American Southwest<\/em> (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 5\u20139. <a href=\"#return-footnote-75-5\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 5\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-75-6\">Helen Brannagh, \u201cSex \u2018Suggested\u2019 and Power Play: Notes on Harassment in the Field,\u201d in <em>China: New Faces of Ethnography<\/em>, ed. Bettina Gransow, Pal Nyiri, and Shiaw-Chian Fong (Piscataway, NJ: Verlag, 2005); Fran Markowitz and Michael Ashkenaziand, <em>Sex, Sexuality, and the Anthropologist<\/em> (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999). <a href=\"#return-footnote-75-6\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 6\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-75-7\">See Candice Cornet and Tami Blumenfield, \u201cAnthropological Fieldwork and Families in China and Beyond,\u201d in <em>Doing Fieldwork in China\u2026with Kids! The Dynamics of Accompanied Fieldwork in the People\u2019s Republic<\/em>, ed. Candice Cornet and Tami Blumenfield (Copenhagen: NIAS Press, 2006); Tami Blumenfield, \u201cBlurred Boundaries of Learning and Ethnography in an Era of Constant Connectedness: Lessons from Fieldwork with Children in Southwest China,\u201d ibid, 69\u201385. Additional perspectives from a father-son duo and a mother-daughter pair in the same volume are those by Eriberto P. Lozada Jr. and E. Patrick Lozada III, \u201cOpening the Door (\u5f00\u95e8): Doing Fieldwork with Children in Rural China,\u201d and by Jeanne L. Shea, \u201cClean Your Plate and Don\u2019t Be Polite: An American Mother\u2019s Education in Early Childhood Parenting and Family Life in Shanghai, China.\u201d For another discussion of how children influence perceptions of a fieldworking parent, see Jocelyn Linnekin, \u201cFamily and Other Uncontrollables: Impression Management in Accompanied Fieldwork,\u201d in <em>Fieldwork and Families: Constructing New Models for Ethnographic Research<\/em>, ed. Juliana Flinn, Leslie Marshall, and Jocelyn Armstrong (Honolulu: Hawaii University Press, 1998), 71\u201383. <a href=\"#return-footnote-75-7\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 7\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-75-8\">Lynn Bolles, \u201cTelling the Story Straight: Black Feminist Intellectual Thought in Anthropology\u201d <em>Transforming Anthropology: Journal of the Association of Black Anthropologists<\/em> 21 no. 1 (2013): 63\u201364. <a href=\"#return-footnote-75-8\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 8\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><\/ol><\/div>","protected":false},"author":311,"menu_order":3,"template":"","meta":{"_candela_citation":"[{\"type\":\"cc\",\"description\":\"Perspectives: An Open Invitation to Cultural Anthropology\",\"author\":\"Edited by Nina Brown, Laura Tubelle de Gonzalez, and Thomas McIlwraith\",\"organization\":\"American Anthropological Association\",\"url\":\"http:\/\/perspectives.americananthro.org\/\",\"project\":\"\",\"license\":\"cc-by-nc\",\"license_terms\":\"\"},{\"type\":\"cc\",\"description\":\"added content & made edits\",\"author\":\"Nadine Fernandez\",\"organization\":\"\",\"url\":\"\",\"project\":\"\",\"license\":\"cc-by-nc\",\"license_terms\":\"\"}]","CANDELA_OUTCOMES_GUID":"","pb_show_title":"on","pb_short_title":"","pb_subtitle":"","pb_authors":[],"pb_section_license":""},"chapter-type":[],"contributor":[],"license":[],"class_list":["post-75","chapter","type-chapter","status-publish","hentry"],"part":759,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/suny-esc-culturalanthropology\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/75","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/suny-esc-culturalanthropology\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/suny-esc-culturalanthropology\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/chapter"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/suny-esc-culturalanthropology\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/311"}],"version-history":[{"count":33,"href":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/suny-esc-culturalanthropology\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/75\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":961,"href":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/suny-esc-culturalanthropology\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/75\/revisions\/961"}],"part":[{"href":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/suny-esc-culturalanthropology\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/parts\/759"}],"metadata":[{"href":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/suny-esc-culturalanthropology\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/75\/metadata\/"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/suny-esc-culturalanthropology\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=75"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"chapter-type","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/suny-esc-culturalanthropology\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapter-type?post=75"},{"taxonomy":"contributor","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/suny-esc-culturalanthropology\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/contributor?post=75"},{"taxonomy":"license","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/suny-esc-culturalanthropology\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/license?post=75"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}