Learning outcomes
- Describe different forms of collective behavior and differentiate between types of crowds
- Compare theoretical perspectives on collective behavior: the emergent-norm perspective, value-added theory, and assembling perspective
- Describe social movements on a local, state, national, and global level
This module will examine collective behavior and differentiate between the three different forms of collective behavior: crowd, mass, and public. You will learn that the relationship between individuals and reasons for assembling are important to distinguishing between collective behavior and collective action. You will then learn the three main sociological theories on collective behavior, each of which provides an analysis of how and why crowd behavior can turn into collective behavior.
Collective Behavior
Figure 1. Is this a good time had by all? Some flash mobs may function as political protests, while others are for fun. This flash mob pillow fight’s purpose was to entertain. (Photo courtesy of Mattwi1S0n:/flickr)
Have you ever seen or participated in a flash mob? These spontaneous gatherings are often captured on video and shared on the Internet; frequently they even go viral. Humans seek connections and shared experiences. Perhaps experiencing a flash mob event enhances this bond. It certainly interrupts our otherwise mundane routine with a reminder that we are social animals.
Forms of Collective Behavior
Flash mobs are examples of collective behavior, non-institutionalized activity in which several people voluntarily engage in behavior not governed by societal norms. Therefore a flash mob qualifies, but people who just happen to be walking though a town square on their way home do not. It is not necessarily structured, as a population of teens adopting a favorite singer’s hairstyle is also an example of collective behavior. In short, collective behavior is any group behavior that is not mandated or regulated by an institution.
Collective behavior differs from group behavior in three ways:
- Collective behavior involves limited and short-lived social interactions, while groups tend to remain together longer.
- Collective behavior has no clear social boundaries; anyone can be a member of the collective, while group membership is usually more discriminating.
- Collective behavior generates weak and unconventional norms, while groups tend to have stronger and more conventional norms.
There are three primary forms of collective behavior: the crowd, the mass, and the public.
It takes a fairly large number of people in close proximity to form a crowd (Lofland, 1993). Examples include a group of people attending an Ani DiFranco concert, tailgating at a Patriots game, or attending a worship service. Turner and Killian (1993) identified four types of crowds. Casual crowds consist of people who are in the same place at the same time but who aren’t really interacting, such as people standing in line at the post office. Conventional crowds are those who come together for a scheduled event that occurs regularly, like a religious service. Expressive crowds are people who join together to express emotion, often at funerals, weddings, or the like. The final type, acting crowds, focuses on a specific goal or action, such as a protest movement or riot.
In addition to the different types of crowds, collective groups can also be identified in two other ways. A mass is a relatively large number of people with a common interest, though they may not be in close proximity (Lofland, 1993), such as players of the game Fortnite. A public, on the other hand, is an unorganized, relatively diffused group of people who share ideas, such as the Libertarian political party. While these two types of crowds are similar, they are not the same. To distinguish between them, remember that members of a mass share interests, whereas members of a public share ideas.
Watch It
While there is debate over what should be included under the label of “collective behavior” among sociologists today, often included are additional behaviors like: riots, mass hysteria and fads. These are explained below and in the following video.
- A riot is a form of civil disorder characterized by disorganized groups lashing out in a sudden and intense rash of violence, vandalism, or other crime. While individuals may attempt to lead or control a riot, riots are typically chaotic and exhibit herd-like behavior. Riots often occur in reaction to a perceived grievance or out of dissent. Historically, riots have occurred due to poor working or living conditions, government oppression, taxation or conscription, conflicts between races or religions, the outcome of a sporting event, or frustration with legal channels through which to air grievances. Riots typically involve vandalism and the destruction of private and public property. Riots, while destructive, have often played a role in social change.
- “Mass hysteria” is a phrase used to describe a large group of people who share a mental state of fear or anxiety.
- A fad is a fashion that gains salience quickly in a culture or subculture, and remains popular for a brief period of time before losing its appeal dramatically.
Theoretical Perspectives on Collective Behavior
Early collective behavior theories (Blumer, 1969; LeBon, 1895) focused on the irrationality of crowds. Eventually, those theorists who viewed crowds as uncontrolled groups of irrational people were supplanted by theorists who viewed the behavior some crowds engaged in as the rational behavior of logical beings.
Emergent-Norm Perspective
Figure 2. According to the emergent-norm perspective, Hurricane Katrina victims sought needed supplies for survival, but to outsiders their behavior would normally be seen as looting. (Photo courtesy of Infrogmation/Wikimedia Commons)
Sociologists Ralph Turner and Lewis Killian (1993) built on earlier sociological ideas and developed what is known as emergent norm theory. They believe that the norms experienced by people in a crowd may be disparate and fluctuating. They emphasize the importance of these norms in shaping crowd behavior, especially those norms that shift quickly in response to changing external factors. Emergent norm theory asserts that, in this circumstance, people perceive and respond to the crowd situation with their particular (individual) set of norms, which may change as the crowd experience evolves. This focus on the individual component of interaction reflects a symbolic interactionist perspective.
For Turner and Killian, the process begins when individuals suddenly find themselves in a new situation, or when an existing situation suddenly becomes strange or unfamiliar. For example, think about human behavior during Hurricane Katrina. New Orleans was decimated and people were trapped without supplies or a way to evacuate. In these extraordinary circumstances, what outsiders saw as “looting” was defined by those involved as seeking needed supplies for survival. Normally, individuals would not wade into a corner gas station and take canned goods without paying, but given that they were suddenly in a greatly changed situation, they established a norm that they felt was reasonable.
Once individuals find themselves in a situation ungoverned by previously established norms, they interact in small groups to develop new guidelines on how to behave. According to the emergent-norm perspective, crowds are not viewed as irrational, impulsive, uncontrolled groups. Instead, norms develop and are accepted as they fit the situation. While this theory offers insight into why norms develop, it leaves undefined the nature of norms, how they come to be accepted by the crowd, and how they spread through the crowd.
Value-Added Theory
Neil Smelser’s (1962) meticulous categorization of crowd behavior, called value-added theory, is a perspective within the functionalist tradition based on the idea that several conditions must be in place for collective behavior to occur. Each condition adds to the likelihood that collective behavior will occur.
- The first condition is structural conduciveness, which occurs when people are aware of the problem and have the opportunity to gather, ideally in an open area.
- Structural strain, the second condition, refers to people’s expectations about the situation at hand being unmet, causing tension and strain.
- The next condition is the growth and spread of a generalized belief, wherein a problem is clearly identified and attributed to a person or group.
- Precipitating factors is the fourth condition which spurs collective behavior; this is the emergence of a dramatic event.
- The fifth condition is mobilization for action, when leaders emerge to direct a crowd to action. The final condition social control, relates to action by the agents and is the only way to end the collective behavior episode (Smelser, 1962).
Figure 3. Agents of social control bring collective behavior to an end. (Photo courtesy of hozinja/flickr)
A real-life example of these conditions occurred after the fatal police shooting of teenager Michael Brown, an unarmed eighteen-year-old African American, in Ferguson, MO on August 9, 2014. The shooting drew national attention almost immediately. A large group of mostly black, local residents assembled in protest—a classic example of structural conduciveness. When the community perceived that the police were not acting in the people’s interest and were withholding the name of the officer, structural strain became evident. A growing generalized belief evolved as the crowd of protesters were met with heavily armed police in military-style protective uniforms accompanied by an armored vehicle. The precipitating factor of the arrival of the police spurred greater collective behavior as the residents mobilized by assembling a parade down the street. Ultimately they were met with tear gas, pepper spray, and rubber bullets used by the police acting as agents of social control. The element of social control escalated over the following days until August 18, when the governor called in the National Guard.
Assembling Perspective
Clark McPhail (1991), a symbolic interactionist, developed assembling perspective, another system for understanding collective behavior that credited individuals in crowds as rational beings. Unlike previous theories, this theory refocuses attention from collective behavior to collective action. Remember that collective behavior is a non-institutionalized gathering, whereas collective action is based on a shared interest. McPhail’s theory focused primarily on the processes associated with crowd behavior, plus the lifecycle of gatherings. He identified several instances of convergent or collective behavior, as shown on the chart below.
| Type of crowd | Description | Example |
|---|---|---|
| Convergence clusters | Family and friends who travel together | Carpooling parents take several children to the movies |
| Convergent orientation | Group all facing the same direction | A semi-circle around a stage |
| Collective vocalization | Sounds or noises made collectively | Screams on a roller coaster |
| Collective verbalization | Collective and simultaneous participation in a speech or song | Pledge of Allegiance in the school classroom |
| Collective gesticulation | Body parts forming symbols | The YMCA dance |
| Collective manipulation | Objects collectively moved around | Holding signs at a protest rally |
| Collective locomotion | The direction and rate of movement to the event | Children running to an ice cream truck |
As useful as this is for understanding the components of how crowds come together, many sociologists criticize its lack of attention on the large cultural context of the described behaviors, instead focusing on individual actions.
Think It Over
- Discuss the differences between a mass and a crowd. What is an example of each? What sets them apart? What do they share in common?
- Can you think of a time when your behavior in a crowd was dictated by the circumstances? Give an example of emergent-norm perspective, using your own experience.
- Discuss the differences between an acting crowd and a collective crowd. Give examples of each.
- Imagine you are at a rally protesting nuclear energy use. Walk us through the hypothetical rally using the value-added theory, imagining it meets all the stages.
Levels of Social Movements
Social movements are purposeful, organized groups that strive to work toward a common social goal. While most of us learned about social movements in history classes, we may not be aware of the fundamental changes they caused—and we may be completely unfamiliar with the trend toward global social movements. But from the anti-tobacco movement that has worked to outlaw smoking in public buildings and raise the cost of cigarettes, to political uprisings throughout the Arab world, social movements have moved out of the local sphere and, thanks to media and technology, are creating social change on a global scale.
Movements happen in our towns, in our nation, and around the world. No doubt you can think of many social movements that have occurred on all of these levels, especially since modern technology has allowed us a near-constant stream of information about the quest for social change around the world. Let’s take a look at examples of social movements, from local to global.
Local
Chicago is a city of highs and lows, from corrupt politicians and failing schools to innovative education programs and a thriving arts scene. Not surprisingly, it has been home to a number of social movements over time. Currently, AREA Chicago is a social movement focused on “building a socially just city” (AREA Chicago, 2011). The organization seeks to “create relationships and sustain community through art, research, education, and activism” (AREA Chicago, 2011). The movement offers online tools like the Radicalendar––a calendar for getting radical and connected––and events such as an alternative to the traditional Independence Day picnic. Through its offerings, AREA Chicago gives local residents a chance to engage in a movement to help work toward social justice and urban reform.
State
Figure 4. Texas Secede! is an organization which would like Texas to secede from the United States. (Photo courtesy of Tim Pearce/flickr)
At the other end of the political spectrum from AREA Chicago is the Texas Secede! social movement in Texas. This statewide organization promotes the idea that Texas can and should secede from the United States to become an independent republic. The organization, which as of 2014 has over 6,000 “likes” on Facebook, references both Texas and national history in promoting secession. The movement encourages Texans to return to their rugged and individualistic roots, and to stand up to what proponents believe is the theft of their rights and property by the U.S. government (Texas Secede!, 2009).
National
A recent polarizing national issue that helped spawn many activist groups was gay marriage. While same-sex marriage has been legal nationwide since June 26, 2015, the issue was hotly contested on both sides.
The Human Rights Campaign, a nationwide organization that advocates for LGBTQ+ civil rights, has been active for over thirty years, and claims more than a million members. One focus of the organization was its Americans for Marriage Equality campaign. Using public celebrities such as athletes, musicians, and political figures, it sought to engage the public in the issue of equal rights under the law. The campaign raised awareness of the over 1,100 different rights, benefits, and protections provided on the basis of marital status under federal law and sought to educate the public about why these protections should be available to all committed couples regardless of gender (Human Rights Campaign, 2014).
A movement on the opposite end was the National Organization for Marriage, an organization that funds campaigns to stop same-sex marriage (National Organization for Marriage, 2014). Both these organizations worked on the national stage and sought to engage people through grassroots efforts to push their message.
Global
Social organizations worldwide take stands on such general areas of concern as poverty, sex trafficking, and the use of genetically modified organisms (GMOs) in food. Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) are sometimes formed to support such movements, such as the International Federation of Organic Agriculture Movement (FOAM). Global efforts to reduce poverty are represented by the Oxford Committee for Famine Relief (OXFAM), among others. The Fair Trade movement exists to protect and support food producers in developing countries. Occupy Wall Street, although initially a local movement, also went global throughout Europe and, as the chapter’s introductory photo shows, the Middle East.
glossary
- acting crowds:
- crowds of people who are focused on a specific action or goal
- assembling perspective:
- a theory that credits individuals in crowds as behaving as rational thinkers and views crowds as engaging in purposeful behavior and collective action
- casual crowds:
- people who share close proximity without really interacting
- collective behavior:
- a non-institutionalized activity in which several people voluntarily engage
- conventional crowds:
- people who come together for a regularly scheduled event
- crowd:
- a fairly large number of people who share close proximity
- emergent norm theory:
- a perspective that emphasizes the importance of social norms in crowd behavior
- expressive crowds:
- crowds who share opportunities to express emotions
- flash mob:
- a large group of people who gather together in a spontaneous activity that lasts a limited amount of time
- mass:
- a relatively large group with a common interest, even if they may not be in close proximity
- NGO:
- nongovernmental organizations working globally for numerous humanitarian and environmental causes
- public:
- an unorganized, relatively diffuse group of people who share ideas
- social movement:
- a purposeful organized group hoping to work toward a common social goal
- value-added theory:
- a functionalist perspective theory that posits that several preconditions must be in place for collective behavior to occur
