Class and Inequality

Learning Objectives

  • Explain the differences between an egalitarian and stratified society and give examples of each.
  • Explain the difference between a closed-class society and open-class society and give an example of each.
  • Describe the relationship between consumption, lifestyle and class and how globalization influences consumption practices.

IS CLASS INEQUALITY “NATURAL?”

EGALITARIAN SOCIETIES by Paul McDowell

We humans are not equal in all things. The status of women is low relative to the status of men in many, if not most, societies as we will see. There is also the matter of age. In some societies, the aged enjoy greater prestige than the young; in others, the aged are subjected to discrimination in employment and other areas. Even in Japan, which has traditionally been known for its respect for elders, the prestige of the aged is in decline. And we vary in terms of our abilities. Some are more eloquent or skilled technically than others; some are expert craft persons while others are not; some excel at conceptual thought, whereas for the rest of us, there is always the For Dummies book series to manage our computers, software, and other parts of our daily lives such as wine and sex.

In a complex society, it may seem that social classes—differences in wealth and status—are, like death and taxes, inevitable: that one is born into wealth, poverty, or somewhere in between and has no say in the matter, at least at the start of life, and that social class is an involuntary position in society. However, is social class universal? As they say, let’s look at the record, in this case ethnographies. We find that among groups of people outside the United States that rely on foraging for subsistence, there is no advantage to hoarding food; in most climates, it will rot before one’s eyes. Nor is there much personal property in foraging societies, and leadership, where it exists, is informal. In forager societies, the basic ingredients for social class do not exist. Foragers such as the !Kung, Inuit, and aboriginal Australians, are egalitarian societies in which there are few differences between members in wealth, status, and power. Highly skilled and less skilled hunters do not belong to different strata in the way that the captains of industry do from you and me. The less skilled hunters in egalitarian societies receive a share of the meat and have the right to be heard on important decisions. Egalitarian societies also lack a government or centralized leadership. Their leaders, known as headmen or big men, emerge by consensus of the group. Foraging societies are always egalitarian, but so are many societies that practice horticulture (small-scale farming) or pastoralism (herding of livestock).

STRATIFIED SOCIETIES by Paul McDowell

Opposite from egalitarian societies in the spectrum of social classes is the stratified society, which is defined as one in which elites who are a numerical minority control the strategic resources that sustain life. Strategic resources include water for states that depend on irrigation agriculture, land in agricultural societies, and oil in industrial societies. Capital and products and resources used for further production are modes of production that rely on oil and other fossil fuels such as natural gas in industrial societies. (Current political movements call for the substitution of solar and wind power for fossil fuels.)

Operationally, stratification is, as the term implies, a social structure that involves two or more largely mutually exclusive populations. An extreme example is the caste system of traditional Indian society, which draws its legitimacy from Hinduism. In caste systems, membership is determined by birth and remains fixed for life, and social mobility—moving from one social class to another—is not an option. Nor can persons of different castes marry; that is, they are endogamous. Although efforts have been made to abolish castes since India achieved independence in 1947, they still predominate in rural areas.

India’s caste system consists of four varna, pure castes, and one collectively known as Dalit and sometimes as Harijan—in English, “untouchables,” reflecting the notion that for any varna caste member to touch or even see a Dalit pollutes them. The topmost varna caste is the Brahmin or priestly caste. It is composed of priests, governmental officials and bureaucrats at all levels, and other professionals. The next highest is the Kshatriya, the warrior caste, which includes soldiers and other military personnel and the police and their equivalents. Next are the Vaishyas, who are craftsmen and merchants, followed by the Sudras (pronounced “shudra”), who are peasants and menial workers. Metaphorically, they represent the parts of Manu, who is said to have given rise to the human race through dismemberment. The head corresponds to Brahmin, the arms to Kshatriya, the thighs to Vaishya, and the feet to the Sudra.

There are also a variety of subcastes in India. The most important are the hundreds, if not thousands, of occupational subcastes known as jatis. Wheelwrights, ironworkers, landed peasants, landless farmworkers, tailors of various types, and barbers all belong to different jatis. Like the broader castes, jatis are endogamous and one is born into them. They form the basis of the jajmani relationship, which involves the provider of a particular service, the jajman, and the recipient of the service, the kamin. Training is involved in these occupations but one cannot change vocations. Furthermore, the relationship between the jajman and the kamin is determined by previous generations. If I were to provide you, my kamin, with haircutting services, it would be because my father cut your father’s hair. In other words, you would be stuck with me regardless of how poor a barber I might be. This system represents another example of an economy as an instituted process, an economy embedded in society.[1]

Similar restrictions apply to those excluded from the varna castes, the “untouchables” or Dalit. Under the worst restrictions, Dalits were thought to pollute other castes. If the shadow of a Dalit fell on a Brahmin, the Brahmin immediately went home to bathe. Thus, at various times and locations, the untouchables were also unseeable, able to come out only at night.[2] Dalits were born into jobs considered polluting to other castes, particularly work involving dead animals, such as butchering (Hinduism discourages consumption of meat so the clients were Muslims, Christians, and believers of other religions), skinning, tanning, and shoemaking with leather. Contact between an upper caste person and a person of any lower caste, even if “pure,” was also considered polluting and was strictly forbidden.

The theological basis of caste relations is karma—the belief that one’s caste in this life is the cumulative product of one’s acts in past lives, which extends to all beings, from minerals to animals to gods. Therefore, though soul class mobility is nonexistent during a lifetime, it is possible between lifetimes. Brahmins justified their station by claiming that they must have done good in their past lives. However, there are indications that the untouchable Dalits and other lower castes are not convinced of their legitimation.[3]

Although India’s system is the most extreme, it not the only caste system. In Japan, a caste known as Burakumin is similar in status to Dalits. Though they are no different in physical appearance from other Japanese people, the Burakumin people have been forced to live in ghettos for centuries. They descend from people who worked in the leather tanning industry, a low-status occupation, and still work in leather industries such as shoemaking. Marriage between Burakumin and other Japanese people is restricted, and their children are excluded from public schools.[4]

Some degree of social mobility characterizes all societies, but even so-called open-class societies are not as mobile as one might think. In the United States, for example, actual movement up the social latter is rare despite rags-to-riches myths. Stories of individuals “making it” through hard work ignore the majority of individuals whose hard work does not pay off or who actually experience downward mobility. Indeed, the Occupy Movement, which began in 2011, recognizes a dichotomy in American society of the 1 percent (millionaires and billionaires) versus the 99 percent (everyone else). In India (a closed-class society), on the other hand, there are exceptions to the caste system. In Rajasthan, for example, those who own or control most of the land are not of the warrior caste as one might expect; they are of the lowest caste and their tenants and laborers are Brahmins.[5]

POLITICAL ECONOMY: UNDERSTANDING INEQUALITY by Sarah Lyon

Humans are fundamentally social, and our culture is always shared and patterned: we live our lives in groups. However, not all groups serve the needs of their members, and some people have more power than others, meaning they can make the weak consent through threats and coercion. Within all societies there are classes of people defined by the kinds of property they own and/or the kinds of work they engage in.[6] Beginning in the 1960s, an increasing number of anthropologists began to study the world around them through the lens of political economy. This approach recognizes that the economy is central to everyday life but contextualizes economic relations within state structures, political processes, social structures, and cultural values.[7] Some political economic anthropologists focus on how societies and markets have historically evolved while others ask how individuals deal with the forces that oppress them, focusing on historical legacies of social domination and marginalization.[8]

Karl Marx famously wrote, “Men make their own history, but they do not make it as they please; they do not make it under self-selected circumstances, but under circumstances existing already, given and transmitted from the past.”[9] In other words, while humans are inherently creative, our possibilities are limited by the structural realities of our everyday lives.

Consider a typical college student. Is this student happy with the courses her department or college is offering? Are there courses that she needs to graduate that are not being offered yet? She is free to choose among the listed courses, but she cannot choose which courses are available. This depends on factors beyond her control as a student: who is available to teach which topics or what the administration has decided is important enough to offer. So, her agency and ability to choose is highly constrained by the structures in place. In the same way, political economies constrain people’s choices and define the terms by which we must live. Importantly, it is not simply structures that determine our choices and actions; these are also shaped by our community.

Just as our college student may come to think of the requirements she has to fulfill for her degree as just the way it is (even if she does not want to take that theory course!), people come to think of their available choices in everyday life as simply the natural order of things. However, the degree of agency one has depends on the amount of power one has and the degree to which one understands the structural dimensions of one’s life. This focus on power and structural relations parallels an anthropological understanding of culture as a holistic system: economic relations never exist by themselves, apart from social and political institutions.

POLICING POVERTY: AN ANALYSIS REVISITED  By Alisse Waterston

Photo by Ric Curtis.

It is simply because the communal interest is not recognized for what it is that one class is able to disguise its interest as the “general good” and to promote it through the organs of the state.

—Bertell Ollman, Alienation

When Stanton was arrested, he didn’t give up without a fight. A group had formed in Washington Square Park, playing music, drinking, and carousing. “So we went on like that the rest of the night,” said Stanton, until the “cops came in, said they were closing the park.” Stanton and his friend muttered a few “fuck yous” and that’s when the trouble began. Next thing, explained Stanton, “the cop said, ‘You with the mouth, come over here.’ So he brings me over to the car and starts rousting me, tossing me up against the car.”

Jarmin learned the hard way that talking back to the police makes things worse for a guy in a jam. When he talks about violence, he talks about his experiences with police: “I call [it] police brutality, that’s excessive use of force or intimidation tactics, harassment.” Jarmin says his ways have changed over the years. “When I was younger, you know, police would say something, I gotta say something back to them . . . Now that I’m older, I approach it differently.”

T.K., now in his thirties, started talking back to cops when he was a teenager. In many run-ins with police, T.K. and his twin brother would speak up, since “we weren’t the type that didn’t talk up for ourself, we always talked back and let them know we not no chumps, or nobody you could put something on.” One time, the brothers were visiting girlfriends at a housing project. The housing police were suspicious of them, and as T.K. relates it: “They came up on me and my brother and tried to do us bodily harm. We fought back, and got arrested.”

Ethnographers could have collected these stories last week on any number of urban street corners in poor and working-poor neighborhoods in the United States. But these encounters with conflict are narratives I pulled from my book Street Addicts in the Political Economy (1993), published twenty-two years ago and based on data collected in the mid-1980s, just as the crack epidemic burst onto the New York scene and HIV/AIDS was becoming a full-force pandemic. In what follows, I summarize the critical analysis I offered at that time and suggest that it resonates with the current moment. Today’s tragedies—the extrajudicial killings of black people in cities across the country, anti-black racism, and police violence—are linked to historically long and deeply entrenched racialized class dynamics and the processes, policies, and logics they shape.

In the mid- to late 1980s, the focus of much policy-related “social problem” research was the visible nexus of drugs, crime, and violence by the racialized poor in urban neighborhoods, a focus that left unexamined larger social forces implicated in what happens on the ground in those very neighborhoods. What happened on the ground was economic restructuring along with the restructuring of the welfare state, which resulted in mass economic dislocations and the enormous polarization of wealth that continues to the present. While economic restructuring generated a surplus of people redundant in the formal economy, it was the poor who appeared aberrant, useful as an ideological tool.

In my study, now decades-old, I critiqued the obsessive, dangerous, and misleading social and social-science practice of focusing on “them,” the so-called social marginals perceived as deviating from the norm and imagined as enormously threatening. The poor/working poor so often got cast that way no matter the specific topic of study: drugs, crime, prisoners, juveniles, teenage pregnancy, “welfare mothers.” It was a functional obsession that ghettoized, dehumanized, and degraded racialized minorities—placed in a category by those with the power to put them there.

These practices coincided with specific state policies that included the war on drugs and political-economic practices that included locking up an enormous number of black and brown people in an exploding number of prisons. On view were the clear and present faults of the racialized poor: their addictions, their deviancy, their thievery, their violence. The hyper-focus rendered invisible the ongoing social dynamics between racialized and class unequals in social institutions, including but not limited to the criminal justice system. Poverty and its roots were stripped from the official narrative, leaving to the popular imagination an image of a dark and dangerous threat haunting city streets—a key component in the reproduction and institutionalization of racialized class inequality.

My goal then was to expose those invisible social forces, or at least to theorize them in an effort to unveil, analyze, and reveal what was cast into the shadows. Relations between men like Stanton, Jarmin, and T.K. and the organs of the state—police, lawyers, judges, and jailers—were marked by tension. Yet the biggest battles were played out between the “cops” and the “criminals” in tense one-on-one encounters on the street, a fact I found ironic considering both groups occupied a class position not so very distant from one another. I also observed how enforcement techniques—from intimidation to physical brutality—helped create psychological distance between police and those imagined as unlawful misfits.

The story behind the situation came into sharp focus: the racialized tension, the antagonistic relations, the psychological distancing, and the social roles of cops and criminals effectively obscured any common interest the two groups may have shared. The more visible (and brutal) the battles between cops and criminals, the less visible were wider class conflicts. By this analysis, police were kept in line by fulfilling their job functions; in turn, they directly managed those cast as potential criminals. Whether intentionally or not, by its logic and function the criminal justice system ultimately served to manage, contain, and control class conflict, undoubtedly a most serious threat to the status quo then—and now.

Today, the “social problems” may have shifted slightly but the structural and ideological forces rooted in the conflict have not. After all, hegemony is not automatic; it takes multiple methods to police poverty—to obtain and sustain social authority.

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CONSUMPTION AND GLOBAL CAPITALISM by Sarah Lyons

Consumption refers to the process of buying, eating, or using a resource, food, commodity, or service. Anthropologists understand consumption more specifically as the forms of behavior that connect our economic activity with the cultural symbols that give our lives meaning.[10]People’s consumption patterns are a large part of their lives, and economic anthropologists explore why, how, and when people consume what they do. The answers to these questions lie in people’s ideologies and identities as members of a social group; each culture is different and each consumes in its own way. Consumption is always social even when it addresses physical needs. For example, all humans need to eat, but people around the world have radically different ideas of what foods and flavors are most desirable and appropriate.

We use our material possessions to meet our needs (for example, we wear clothing to protect us from the environment), regulate our social lives, and affirm the rightful order of things.[11]Anthropologists understand that the commodities we buy are not just good for eating or shelter, they are good for thinking: in acquiring and possessing particular goods, people make visible and stable the categories of culture.[12]For example, consumption helps us establish and defend differences among people and occasions: I might wear a specific t-shirt and cap to a baseball game with friends in order to distinguish myself as a fan of a particular team. In the process, I make myself easily identifiable within the larger fan community. However, I probably would not wear this same outfit to a job interview because it would be inappropriate for the occasion.

Economic anthropologists are also interested in why objects become status symbols and how these come to be experienced as an aspect of the self.[13] Objects have a “social life” during which they may pass through various statuses: a silver cake server begins its life as a commodity for sale in a store. [14] However, imagine that someone’s great-grandmother used that server to cut the cake at her wedding, and it became a cherished family heirloom passed down from one generation to the next. Unfortunately, the server ended up in the hands of a cousin who did not feel a sentimental attachment to this object. She sold it to a gold and silver broker for currency and it was transformed into an anonymous commodity. That broker in turn sold it to a dealer who melted it down, turning the once cherished cake server back into a raw material.

Lifestyle, Taste, and Conspicuous Consumption By Lauren M. Griffith and Jonathan S. Marion

While some aspects of globalization are best studied at the societal level, others are best examined at smaller scales such as the trends visible within specific socio-economic strata or even at the level of individual decision-making. The concept of lifestyle refers to the creative, reflexive, and sometimes even ironic ways in which individuals perform various social identities. Sociologist David Chaney describes lifestyles as “characteristic modes of social engagement, or narratives of identity, in which the actions concerned can embed the metaphors at hand.”[15] The lifestyles we live and portray, then, can be seen as reflexive projects (see the Fieldwork chapter for more information about reflexivity) in the sense that they display both to ourselves and to our audiences who we think we are, who we want to be, and who we want to be seen to be.

Chaney argues that people only feel the need to differentiate themselves when confronted with an array of available styles of living.[16] Societies organized via organic solidarity (versus mechanical) are predicated on different goods, skills, and tasks. Within this framework, the rise of a consumerist economy enables individuals to exhibit their identities through the purchase and conspicuous use of various goods.[17] Globalization has increased the variety of goods available for individuals to purchase—as well as people’s awareness of these products—thus expanding the range of identities that can be performed through their consumption habits. In some situations, identity is an individual project, with conspicuous consumption used to display one’s sense of self.

Critics have argued that a consequence of globalization is the homogenization of culture. Along similar lines, some have worried that the rapid expansion of the leisure market would decrease the diversity of cultural products (e.g. books, movies) consumed by the populace. The disappearance of small-scale shops and restaurants has certainly been an outcome of the rise of global conglomerates, but the homogenization of culture is not a foregone conclusion.[18] Globalization enables individuals in far-flung corners of the world to encounter new ideas, commodities, belief systems, and voluntary groups to which they might choose to belong. At times these are at the expense of existing options, but it is also important to acknowledge that people make choices and can select the options or opportunities that most resonate with them. The concept of lifestyle thus highlights the degree of decision-making available to individual actors who can pick and choose from global commodities, ideas, and activities. At the same time as individual choices are involved, the decisions made and the assemblages selected are far from random. Participating in a lifestyle implies knowledge about consumption; knowing how to distinguish between goods is a form of symbolic capital that further enhances the standing of the individual.[19]

How much free will, freedom of choice, or autonomy an individual actually has is an age-old question far beyond the scope of this chapter, but in many cases a person’s consumption patterns are actually a reflection of the social class in which she or he was raised—even when an individual thinks he or she is selectively adopting elements from global flows that fit with his or her unique identity. In other words, an individual’s “taste” is actually an outgrowth of his or her habitus, the embodied dispositions that arise from one’s enculturation in a specific social setting.[20] Habitus results in a feeling of ease within specific settings. For example, children who have been raised in upper-class homes are able to more seamlessly integrate into elite boarding schools than classmates on scholarships who might find norms of dining, dress, and overall comportment to be unfamiliar.[21] Habitus, the generative grammar for social action, generates tastes and, by extension, lifestyles.[22]

Inevitably then, what people choose to consume from global offerings—and the discourses they generate around those consumption choices—are often indicative of their social status. Once a commodity becomes part of these global flows, it is theoretically available to all people regardless of where they live. In actual practice, however, there are additional gatekeeping devices that ensure continued differentiation between social classes. Price will prevent many people from enjoying globally traded goods. While a Coca-Cola may seem commonplace to the average college student in the U.S., it is considered a luxury good in other parts of the world. Likewise, although Kobe steaks (which come from the Japanese wagyu cattle) are available in the U.S., it is a relatively small subgroup of Americans who would be able and willing to spend hundreds of dollars for a serving of meat. Having the knowledge necessary to discern between different goods and then utilize them according to socially prescribed norms is another mark of distinction between social classes, as anthropologist Pierre Bourdieu’s work on taste made clear.[23]

ETHNOGRAPHIC CASE STUDY: Consumption, Status, and Recognition among the Elite in China by Sarah Lyon

In other parts of the world, the consumption of Western goods can be used to cement social and economic status within local networks. John Osburg studied the “new elite” in China, the class of entrepreneurs who have successfully navigated the recent transitions in the Chinese economy since the early 1990s when private businesses and foreign investment began to steadily expand their reach in this communist country.[24] Osburg found that the new elite do not constitute a coherent class defined by income level or occupation. Instead, they occupy an unstable and contested category and consequently rely on the consumption of Western-style goods and services in order to stabilize their identities.

Osburg argues that the whole point of elite consumption in Chengdu, China, is to make one’s economic, social, and cultural capital as transparent and legible as possible to the widest audience in order to let everyone know one is wealthy and well connected. Consequently, the Chengdu elite favor easily recognizable and pricey brand names. However, consumption is not simply an arena of status display. Instead, Osburg shows how it is a form of social practice through which relationships with other elites are forged: the shared consumption of conventional luxury objects like liquor and tobacco solidifies relationships among the privileged.[25]

discussion question

  1. Thinking about your own daily economic activities, how is your lifestyle dependent on people in other places? In what ways might your consumption choices be connected to global economic inequality?

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NOTES

Portions of this chapter were first published in Cultural Anthropology: A Concise Introduction by Paul McDowell and are reproduced here with permission of Kendall Hunt Publishing company.


  1. Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation (New York: Beacon Press, 1944).
  2. Bruce Long, “Reincarnation,” Encyclopedia of Religion (New York: Macmillan, 1987) and William Maloney, “Dharma,” Encyclopedia of Religion, Vol. 4 (New York: Macmillan, 1987).
  3. Ravindra Khare, The Untouchable as Himself: Identity and Pragmatism among the Lucknow Chamars (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1984).
  4. Harumi Befu, Japan: An Anthropological Introduction (San Francisco: Chandler, 1971).
  5. William Haviland, Cultural Anthropology: The Human Challenge.
  6. Wilk and Cliggett, Economies and Cultures: Foundations of Economic Anthropology, 84, 95.
  7. Josiah Heyman, “Political Economy,” in Handbook of Sociocultural Anthropology, ed. James Carrier and Deborah Gewertz (New York: Berg Publishers, 2013), 89.
  8. The historical evolution of societies and markets is explored by Eric Wolf in Europe and the People without History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982). The legacies of social domination and marginalization are discussed by Philippe Bourgois in In Search of Respect: Selling Crack in El Barrio (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995).
  9. Karl Marx, The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon, in The Marx-Engels Reader, 2nd Edition, ed. Robert C. Tucker (New York: W. W. Norton, 1978[1852]).
  10. Rudi Colloredo-Mansfeld, “Consumption: From Cultural Theory to the Ethnography of Capitalism,” in Handbook of Sociocultural Anthropology, ed. James Carrier and Deborah Gewertz (New York: Berg Publishers, 2013), 319. 
  11.  47. Ibid.
  12. Mary Douglas and Baron Isherwood, A World of Goods: Toward an Anthropology of Consumption (New York: Basic Books, 1979). 
  13. Colloredo-Mansfeld, “Consumption: From Cultural Theory to the Ethnography of Capitalism.”
  14. Arjun Appadurai, The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986).
  15. David Chaney, Lifestyles (London: Routledge, 1996), 92.
  16. Chaney, Lifestyles.
  17. Ibid.
  18. Ibid., 24.
  19. Ibid., 57.
  20. Pierre Bourdieu, Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste, trans. Richard Nice (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1984).
  21. Shamus Rahman Khan, Privilege: The Making of an Adolescent Elite at St. Paul’s School (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2012).
  22. Chaney, Lifestyles, 60.
  23. Pierre Bourdieu, Distinction.
  24. 56. John Osburg, Anxious Wealth: Money and Morality among China’s New Rich (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2013).
  25. Ibid., 121.