{"id":785,"date":"2019-05-06T14:47:34","date_gmt":"2019-05-06T14:47:34","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/suny-geneseo-culturalanthropology\/?post_type=chapter&#038;p=785"},"modified":"2019-10-05T13:32:19","modified_gmt":"2019-10-05T13:32:19","slug":"class-and-inequality","status":"publish","type":"chapter","link":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/suny-geneseo-culturalanthropology\/chapter\/class-and-inequality\/","title":{"raw":"Class and Inequality","rendered":"Class and Inequality"},"content":{"raw":"<div class=\"textbox learning-objectives\">\r\n<h3>Learning Objectives<\/h3>\r\n<ul>\r\n \t<li>Explain the differences between an egalitarian and stratified society and give examples of each.<\/li>\r\n \t<li>Explain the difference between a closed-class society and open-class society and give an example of each.<\/li>\r\n \t<li>Describe the relationship between consumption, lifestyle and class and how globalization influences consumption practices.<\/li>\r\n<\/ul>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<h2>IS CLASS INEQUALITY \"NATURAL?\"<\/h2>\r\n<h3 class=\"H1\">EGALITARIAN SOCIETIES <em>by Paul McDowell<\/em><\/h3>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">We humans are not equal in all things. The status of women is low relative to the status of men in many, if not most, societies as we will see. There is also the matter of age. In some societies, the aged enjoy greater prestige than the young; in others, the aged are subjected to discrimination in employment and other areas. Even in Japan, which has traditionally been known for its respect for elders, the prestige of the aged is in decline. And we vary in terms of our abilities. Some are more eloquent or skilled technically than others; some are expert craft persons while others are not; some excel at conceptual thought, whereas for the rest of us, there is always the <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">For Dummies<\/span><\/em> book series to manage our computers, software, and other parts of our daily lives such as wine and sex.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">In a complex society, it may seem that <strong>social classes<\/strong>\u2014differences in wealth and status\u2014are, like death and taxes, inevitable: that one is born into wealth, poverty, or somewhere in between and has no say in the matter, at least at the start of life, and that social class is an involuntary position in society. However, is social class universal? As they say, let\u2019s look at the record, in this case ethnographies. We find that <span style=\"color: #993300\">among groups of people outside the United States that rely on foraging for subsistence<\/span>, there is no advantage to hoarding food; in most climates, it will rot before one\u2019s eyes. Nor is there much personal property <span style=\"color: #993300\">in foraging societies<\/span>, and leadership, where it exists, is informal. In forager societies, the basic ingredients for social class do not exist. Foragers such as the !Kung, Inuit, and aboriginal Australians, are <strong>egalitarian<\/strong> societies in which there are few differences between members in wealth, status, and power. Highly skilled and less skilled hunters do not belong to different strata in the way that the captains of industry do from you and me. The less skilled hunters in egalitarian societies receive a share of the meat and have the right to be heard on important decisions. Egalitarian societies also lack a government or centralized leadership. Their leaders, known as headmen or big men, emerge by consensus of the group. Foraging societies are always egalitarian, but so are many societies that practice horticulture <span style=\"color: #993300\">(small-scale farming)<\/span> or pastoralism <span style=\"color: #993300\">(herding of livestock)<\/span>.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<h3 class=\"H1\">STRATIFIED SOCIETIES\u00a0<em>by Paul McDowell<\/em><\/h3>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\"><span class=\"Non-Indent-Para-Char CharOverride-7\">Opposite from egalitarian societies in the spectrum of social classes is the stratified society, which is defined as one in which elites who are a numerical minority control the strategic resources that sustain life. Strategic resources include water for states that depend on irrigation agriculture, land in agricultural societies, and oil in industrial<\/span> societies. Capital and products and resources used for further production are modes of production that rely on oil and other fossil fuels such as natural gas in industrial societies. (Current political movements call for the substitution of solar and wind power for fossil fuels.)<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Operationally, <strong>stratification<\/strong> is, as the term implies, a social structure that involves two or more largely mutually exclusive populations. An extreme example is the <strong>caste system<\/strong> of traditional Indian society, which draws its legitimacy from Hinduism. In <em>caste<\/em> <em>systems<\/em>, membership is determined by birth and remains fixed for life, and social mobility\u2014moving from one social class to another\u2014is not an option. Nor can persons of different castes marry; that is, they are endogamous. Although efforts have been made to abolish castes since India achieved independence in 1947, they still predominate in rural areas.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">India\u2019s caste system consists of four<em> varna<\/em>, pure castes, and one collectively known as <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Dalit<\/span><\/em> and sometimes as <em>Harijan\u2014<\/em>in English, \u201cuntouchables,\u201d reflecting the notion that for any <em>varna<\/em> caste member to touch or even see a <em>Dalit <\/em>pollutes them. The topmost <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">varna <\/span><\/em>caste is the <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Brahmin<\/span><\/em> or priestly caste. It is composed of priests, governmental officials and bureaucrats at all levels, and other professionals. The next highest is the <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Kshatriya<\/span><\/em>, the warrior caste, which includes soldiers and other military personnel and the police and their equivalents. Next are the <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Vaishyas<\/span><\/em>, who are craftsmen and merchants, followed by the <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Sudras<\/span><\/em> (pronounced \u201cshudra\u201d), who are peasants and menial workers. Metaphorically, they represent the parts of <em>Manu<\/em>, who is said to have given rise to the human race through dismemberment. The head corresponds to <em>Brahmin<\/em>, the arms to<em> Kshatriya<\/em>, the thighs to <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Vaishya<\/span><\/em>, and the feet to the <em>Sudra<\/em>.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">There are also a variety of subcastes in India. The most important are the hundreds, if not thousands, of occupational subcastes known as <em>jatis<\/em>. Wheelwrights, ironworkers, landed peasants, landless farmworkers, tailors of various types, and barbers all belong to different <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">jatis<\/span>.<\/em> Like the broader castes, <em>jatis <\/em>are endogamous and one is born into them. They form the basis of the <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">jajmani<\/span><\/em> relationship, which involves the provider of a particular service, the <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">jajman<\/span>,<\/em> and the recipient of the service, the <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">kamin<\/span>.<\/em> Training is involved in these occupations but one cannot change vocations. Furthermore, the relationship between the <em>jajman <\/em>and the <em>kamin <\/em>is determined by previous generations. If I were to provide you, my <em>kamin, <\/em>with haircutting services, it would be because my father cut your father\u2019s hair. In other words, you would be stuck with me regardless of how poor a barber I might be. This system represents another example of an economy as an instituted process, an economy embedded in society.[footnote]Karl Polanyi, <em>The Great Transformation<\/em> (New York: Beacon Press, 1944).[\/footnote]<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Similar restrictions apply to those excluded from the <em>varna <\/em>castes, the \u201cuntouchables\u201d or<em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\"> Dalit<\/span><\/em>. Under the worst restrictions, <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Dalits <\/span><\/em>were thought to pollute other castes. If the shadow of a<em> Dalit<\/em> fell on a <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Brahmin<\/span><\/em>, the <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Brahmin<\/span> <\/em>immediately went home to bathe. Thus, at various times and locations, the untouchables were also unseeable, able to come out only at night.[footnote]Bruce Long, \u201cReincarnation,\u201d <em>Encyclopedia of Religion<\/em> (New York: Macmillan, 1987) and William Maloney, \u201cDharma,\u201d Encyclopedia of Religion, Vol. 4 (New York: Macmillan, 1987).[\/footnote]\u00a0<em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Dalits <\/span><\/em>were born into jobs considered polluting to other castes, particularly work involving dead animals, such as butchering (Hinduism discourages consumption of meat so the clients were Muslims, Christians, and believers of other religions), skinning, tanning, and shoemaking with leather. Contact between an upper caste person and a person of any lower caste, even if \u201cpure,\u201d was also considered polluting and was strictly forbidden.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">The theological basis of caste relations is <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">karma<\/span><\/em>\u2014the belief that one\u2019s caste in this life is the cumulative product of one\u2019s acts in past lives, which extends to all beings, from minerals to animals to gods. Therefore, though soul class mobility is nonexistent during a lifetime, it is possible between lifetimes. <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Brahmins<\/span><\/em> justified their station by claiming that they must have done good in their past lives. However, there are indications that the untouchable <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Dalits<\/span><\/em> and other lower castes are not convinced of their legitimation.[footnote]Ravindra Khare, <em>The Untouchable as Himself: Identity and Pragmatism among the Lucknow Chamars<\/em> (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1984).[\/footnote]<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Although India\u2019s system is the most extreme, it not the only caste system. In Japan, a caste known as <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Burakumin <\/span><\/em>is similar in status to<em> Dalits<\/em>. Though they are no different in physical appearance from other Japanese people, the <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Burakumin<\/span><\/em> people have been forced to live in ghettos for centuries. They descend from people who worked in the leather tanning industry, a low-status occupation, and still work in leather industries such as shoemaking. Marriage between <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Burakumin<\/span><\/em> and other Japanese people is restricted, and their children are excluded from public schools.[footnote]Harumi Befu, <em>Japan: An Anthropological Introduction<\/em> (San Francisco: Chandler, 1971).[\/footnote]<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Some degree of social mobility characterizes all societies, but even so-called <strong>open-class societies<\/strong> are not as mobile as one might think. In the United States, for example, actual movement up the social latter is rare despite rags-to-riches myths. Stories of individuals \u201cmaking it\u201d through hard work ignore the majority of individuals whose hard work does not pay off or who actually experience downward mobility. Indeed, the Occupy Movement, which began in 2011, recognizes a dichotomy in American society of the 1 percent (millionaires and billionaires) versus the 99 percent (everyone else). In India (a <strong>closed-class society<\/strong>), on the other hand, there are exceptions to the caste system. In <em>Rajasthan<\/em>, for example, those who own or control most of the land are not of the warrior caste as one might expect; they are of the lowest caste and their tenants and laborers are <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Brahmins<\/span><\/em>.[footnote]William Haviland, <em>Cultural Anthropology: The Human Challenge.<\/em>[\/footnote]<\/p>\r\n\r\n<h2 class=\"H1\">POLITICAL ECONOMY: UNDERSTANDING INEQUALITY <em>by Sarah Lyon<\/em><\/h2>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Humans are fundamentally social, and our culture is always shared and patterned: we live our lives in groups. However, not all groups serve the needs of their members, and some people have more power than others, meaning they can make the weak consent through threats and coercion. Within all societies there are classes of people defined by the kinds of property they own and\/or the kinds of work they engage in.<span class=\"Endnote-reference _idGenCharOverride-1\">[footnote]Wilk and Cliggett, <em>Economies and Cultures: Foundations of Economic Anthropology<\/em>, 84, 95.[\/footnote]<\/span> Beginning in the 1960s, an increasing number of anthropologists began to study the world around them through the lens of <b>political economy<\/b>. This approach recognizes that the economy is central to everyday life but contextualizes economic relations within state structures, political processes, social structures, and cultural values.<span class=\"Endnote-reference _idGenCharOverride-1\">[footnote]Josiah Heyman, \u201cPolitical Economy,\u201d in <em>Handbook of Sociocultural Anthropology, <\/em>ed. James Carrier and Deborah Gewertz (New York: Berg Publishers, 2013), 89.[\/footnote]<\/span> Some political economic anthropologists focus on how societies and markets have historically evolved while others ask how individuals deal with the forces that oppress them, focusing on historical legacies of social domination and marginalization.<span class=\"Endnote-reference _idGenCharOverride-1\">[footnote]The historical evolution of societies and markets is explored by Eric Wolf in <em>Europe and the People without History <\/em>(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982). The legacies of social domination and marginalization are discussed by Philippe Bourgois in <em>In Search of Respect: Selling Crack in El Barrio <\/em>(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995).[\/footnote]<\/span><\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Karl Marx famously wrote, \u201cMen make their own history, but they do not make it as they please; they do not make it under self-selected circumstances, but under circumstances existing already, given and transmitted from the past.\u201d<span class=\"Endnote-reference _idGenCharOverride-1\">[footnote]Karl Marx, <em>The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon, <\/em>in The Marx-Engels Reader, 2<span class=\"CharOverride-4\">nd<\/span> Edition, ed. Robert C. Tucker (New York: W. W. Norton, 1978[1852]).[\/footnote]<\/span> In other words, while humans are inherently creative, our possibilities are limited by the structural realities of our everyday lives.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Consider a typical college student. Is this student happy with the courses her department or college is offering? Are there courses that she needs to graduate that are not being offered yet? She is free to choose among the listed courses, but she cannot choose which courses are available. This depends on factors beyond her control as a student: who is available to teach which topics or what the administration has decided is important enough to offer. So, her agency and ability to choose is highly constrained by the structures in place. In the same way, political economies constrain people\u2019s choices and define the terms by which we must live. Importantly, it is not simply structures that determine our choices and actions; these are also shaped by our community.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Just as our college student may come to think of the requirements she has to fulfill for her degree as just the way it is (even if she does not want to take that theory course!), people come to think of their available choices in everyday life as simply the natural order of things. However, the degree of agency one has depends on the amount of power one has and the degree to which one understands the structural dimensions of one\u2019s life. This focus on power and structural relations parallels an anthropological understanding of culture as a holistic system: economic relations never exist by themselves, apart from social and political institutions.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<h2>POLICING POVERTY: AN ANALYSIS REVISITED\u00a0 <em>By Alisse Waterston<\/em><\/h2>\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_832\" align=\"aligncenter\" width=\"764\"]<img class=\"wp-image-832 size-full\" src=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/4511\/2019\/05\/06193011\/police-car.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"764\" height=\"510\" \/> Photo by Ric Curtis.[\/caption]\r\n\r\n<div>\r\n<div class=\"block-image underlined\">\r\n<div class=\"wrapper cleared\"><\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<div class=\"block-wysiwyg underlined\">\r\n<div class=\"wrapper cleared\">\r\n<blockquote>It is simply because the communal interest is not recognized for what it is that one class is able to disguise its interest as the \u201cgeneral good\u201d and to promote it through the organs of the state.\r\n\r\n\u2014Bertell Ollman,\u00a0<em>Alienation<\/em><\/blockquote>\r\nWhen Stanton was arrested, he didn\u2019t give up without a fight. A group had formed in Washington Square Park, playing music, drinking, and carousing. \u201cSo we went on like that the rest of the night,\u201d said Stanton, until the \u201ccops came in, said they were closing the park.\u201d Stanton and his friend muttered a few \u201cfuck yous\u201d and that\u2019s when the trouble began. Next thing, explained Stanton, \u201cthe cop said, \u2018You with the mouth, come over here.\u2019 So he brings me over to the car and starts rousting me, tossing me up against the car.\u201d\r\n\r\nJarmin learned the hard way that talking back to the police makes things worse for a guy in a jam. When he talks about violence, he talks about his experiences with police: \u201cI call [it] police brutality, that\u2019s excessive use of force or intimidation tactics, harassment.\u201d Jarmin says his ways have changed over the years. \u201cWhen I was younger, you know, police would say something, I gotta say something back to them . . . Now that I\u2019m older, I approach it differently.\u201d\r\n\r\nT.K., now in his thirties, started talking back to cops when he was a teenager. In many run-ins with police, T.K. and his twin brother would speak up, since \u201cwe weren\u2019t the type that didn\u2019t talk up for ourself, we always talked back and let them know we not no chumps, or nobody you could put something on.\u201d One time, the brothers were visiting girlfriends at a housing project. The housing police were suspicious of them, and as T.K. relates it: \u201cThey came up on me and my brother and tried to do us bodily harm. We fought back, and got arrested.\u201d\r\n\r\nEthnographers could have collected these stories last week on any number of urban street corners in poor and working-poor neighborhoods in the United States. But these encounters with conflict are narratives I pulled from my book\u00a0<em>Street Addicts in the Political Economy<\/em>\u00a0(1993), published twenty-two years ago and based on data collected in the mid-1980s, just as the crack epidemic burst onto the New York scene and HIV\/AIDS was becoming a full-force pandemic. In what follows, I summarize the critical analysis I offered at that time and suggest that it resonates with the current moment. Today\u2019s tragedies\u2014the extrajudicial killings of black people in cities across the country, anti-black racism, and police violence\u2014are linked to historically long and deeply entrenched racialized class dynamics and the processes, policies, and logics they shape.\r\n\r\nIn the mid- to late 1980s, the focus of much policy-related \u201csocial problem\u201d research was the visible nexus of drugs, crime, and violence by the racialized poor in urban neighborhoods, a focus that left unexamined larger social forces implicated in what happens on the ground in those very neighborhoods. What happened on the ground was economic restructuring along with the restructuring of the welfare state, which resulted in mass economic dislocations and the enormous polarization of wealth that continues to the present. While economic restructuring generated a surplus of people redundant in the formal economy, it was the poor who appeared aberrant, useful as an ideological tool.\r\n\r\nIn my study, now decades-old, I critiqued the obsessive, dangerous, and misleading social and social-science practice of focusing on \u201cthem,\u201d the so-called social marginals perceived as deviating from the norm and imagined as enormously threatening. The poor\/working poor so often got cast that way no matter the specific topic of study: drugs, crime, prisoners, juveniles, teenage pregnancy, \u201cwelfare mothers.\u201d It was a functional obsession that ghettoized, dehumanized, and degraded racialized minorities\u2014placed in a category by those with the power to put them there.\r\n\r\nThese practices coincided with specific state policies that included the war on drugs and political-economic practices that included locking up an enormous number of black and brown people in an exploding number of prisons. On view were the clear and present faults of the racialized poor:\u00a0<em>their<\/em>\u00a0addictions,\u00a0<em>their<\/em>\u00a0deviancy,\u00a0<em>their<\/em>\u00a0thievery,\u00a0<em>their<\/em>\u00a0violence. The hyper-focus rendered invisible the ongoing social dynamics between racialized and class unequals in social institutions, including but not limited to the criminal justice system. Poverty and its roots were stripped from the official narrative, leaving to the popular imagination an image of a dark and dangerous threat haunting city streets\u2014a key component in the reproduction and institutionalization of racialized class inequality.\r\n\r\nMy goal then was to expose those invisible social forces, or at least to theorize them in an effort to unveil, analyze, and reveal what was cast into the shadows. Relations between men like Stanton, Jarmin, and T.K. and the organs of the state\u2014police, lawyers, judges, and jailers\u2014were marked by tension. Yet the biggest battles were played out between the \u201ccops\u201d and the \u201ccriminals\u201d in tense one-on-one encounters on the street, a fact I found ironic considering both groups occupied a class position not so very distant from one another. I also observed how enforcement techniques\u2014from intimidation to physical brutality\u2014helped create psychological distance between police and those imagined as unlawful misfits.\r\n\r\nThe story behind the situation came into sharp focus: the racialized tension, the antagonistic relations, the psychological distancing, and the social roles of cops and criminals effectively obscured any common interest the two groups may have shared. The more visible (and brutal) the battles between cops and criminals, the less visible were wider class conflicts. By this analysis, police were kept in line by fulfilling their job functions; in turn, they directly managed those cast as potential criminals. Whether intentionally or not, by its logic and function the criminal justice system ultimately served to manage, contain, and control class conflict, undoubtedly a most serious threat to the status quo then\u2014and now.\r\n\r\nToday, the \u201csocial problems\u201d may have shifted slightly but the structural and ideological forces rooted in the conflict have not. After all, <strong>hegemony<\/strong> is not automatic; it takes multiple methods to police poverty\u2014to obtain and sustain social authority.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<div>\r\n<div class=\"textbox examples\">\r\n<h3>WATCH BOTH ted talks<\/h3>\r\nhttps:\/\/www.ted.com\/talks\/anand_giridharadas_a_tale_of_two_americas_and_the_mini_mart_where_they_collided?utm_campaign=tedspread&amp;utm_medium=referral&amp;utm_source=tedcomshare\r\n\r\nhttps:\/\/www.ted.com\/talks\/j_d_vance_america_s_forgotten_working_class\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<h2><\/h2>\r\n<h2 class=\"H1\">CONSUMPTION AND GLOBAL CAPITALISM <em>by Sarah Lyons<\/em><\/h2>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\"><b>Consumption<\/b> refers to the process of buying, eating, or using a resource, food, commodity, or service. Anthropologists understand consumption more specifically as the forms of behavior that connect our economic activity with the cultural symbols that give our lives meaning.[footnote]Rudi Colloredo-Mansfeld, \u201cConsumption: From Cultural Theory to the Ethnography of Capitalism,\u201d in <em>Handbook of Sociocultural Anthropology, <\/em>ed. James Carrier and Deborah Gewertz (New York: Berg Publishers, 2013), 319.\u00a0[\/footnote]People\u2019s consumption patterns are a large part of their lives, and economic anthropologists explore why, how, and when people consume what they do. The answers to these questions lie in people\u2019s ideologies and identities as members of a social group; each culture is different and each consumes in its own way. Consumption is always social even when it addresses physical needs. For example, all humans need to eat, but people around the world have radically different ideas of what foods and flavors are most desirable and appropriate.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">We use our material possessions to meet our needs (for example, we wear clothing to protect us from the environment), regulate our social lives, and affirm the rightful order of things.<span class=\"Endnote-reference _idGenCharOverride-1\">[footnote]\u00a0<\/span>47. Ibid.<span class=\"Endnote-reference _idGenCharOverride-1\">[\/footnote]<\/span>Anthropologists understand that the commodities we buy are not just good for eating or shelter, they are good for <em>thinking<\/em>: in acquiring and possessing particular goods, people make visible and stable the categories of culture.[footnote]Mary Douglas and Baron Isherwood, <em>A World of Goods: Toward an Anthropology of Consumption <\/em>(New York: Basic Books, 1979).\u00a0[\/footnote]For example, consumption helps us establish and defend differences among people and occasions: I might wear a specific t-shirt and cap to a baseball game with friends in order to distinguish myself as a fan of a particular team. In the process, I make myself easily identifiable within the larger fan community. However, I probably would not wear this same outfit to a job interview because it would be inappropriate for the occasion.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Economic anthropologists are also interested in why objects become status symbols and how these come to be experienced as an aspect of the self.<span class=\"Endnote-reference _idGenCharOverride-1\">[footnote]Colloredo-Mansfeld, \u201cConsumption: From Cultural Theory to the Ethnography of Capitalism.\u201d[\/footnote]<\/span> Objects have a \u201csocial life\u201d during which they may pass through various statuses: a silver cake server begins its life as a commodity for sale in a store.<span class=\"Endnote-reference _idGenCharOverride-1\"> [footnote]Arjun Appadurai, <em>The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective<\/em> (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986).[\/footnote]<\/span> However, imagine that someone\u2019s great-grandmother used that server to cut the cake at her wedding, and it became a cherished family heirloom passed down from one generation to the next. Unfortunately, the server ended up in the hands of a cousin who did not feel a sentimental attachment to this object. She sold it to a gold and silver broker for currency and it was transformed into an anonymous commodity. That broker in turn sold it to a dealer who melted it down, turning the once cherished cake server back into a raw material.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<h3 class=\"H2-below-TB-LO\">Lifestyle, Taste, and Conspicuous Consumption\u00a0<em>By\u00a0Lauren M. Griffith and\u00a0Jonathan S. Marion<\/em><\/h3>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">While some aspects of globalization are best studied at the societal level, others are best examined at smaller scales such as the trends visible within specific socio-economic strata or even at the level of individual decision-making. The concept of <strong>lifestyle<\/strong>\u00a0refers to the creative, reflexive, and sometimes even ironic ways in which individuals perform various social identities. Sociologist David Chaney describes lifestyles as \u201ccharacteristic modes of social engagement, or narratives of identity, in which the actions concerned can embed the metaphors at hand.\u201d[footnote] David Chaney, <em>Lifestyles<\/em> (London: Routledge, 1996), 92.[\/footnote] The lifestyles we live and portray, then, can be seen as reflexive projects (see the Fieldwork chapter for more information about reflexivity) in the sense that they display both to ourselves and to our audiences who we think we are, who we want to be, and who we want to be seen to be.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Chaney argues that people only feel the need to differentiate themselves when confronted with an array of available styles of living.[footnote]Chaney, <em>Lifestyles<\/em>.[\/footnote] Societies organized via organic solidarity (versus mechanical) are predicated on different goods, skills, and tasks. Within this framework, the rise of a consumerist economy enables individuals to exhibit their identities through the purchase and conspicuous use of various goods.[footnote]Ibid.[\/footnote] Globalization has increased the variety of goods available for individuals to purchase\u2014as well as people\u2019s awareness of these products\u2014thus expanding the range of identities that can be performed through their consumption habits. In some situations, identity is an individual project, with conspicuous consumption used to display one\u2019s sense of self.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Critics have argued that a consequence of globalization is the homogenization of culture. Along similar lines, some have worried that the rapid expansion of the leisure market would decrease the diversity of cultural products (e.g. books, movies) consumed by the populace. The disappearance of small-scale shops and restaurants has certainly been an outcome of the rise of global conglomerates, but the homogenization of culture is not a foregone conclusion.[footnote]Ibid., 24.[\/footnote] Globalization enables individuals in far-flung corners of the world to encounter new ideas, commodities, belief systems, and voluntary groups to which they might choose to belong. At times these are at the expense of existing options, but it is also important to acknowledge that people make choices and can select the options or opportunities that most resonate with them. The concept of lifestyle thus highlights the degree of decision-making available to individual actors who can pick and choose from global commodities, ideas, and activities. At the same time as individual choices are involved, the decisions made and the assemblages selected are far from random. Participating in a lifestyle implies knowledge about consumption; knowing how to distinguish between goods is a form of symbolic capital that further enhances the standing of the individual.[footnote]Ibid., 57.[\/footnote]<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">How much free will, freedom of choice, or autonomy an individual actually has is an age-old question far beyond the scope of this chapter, but in many cases a person\u2019s consumption patterns are actually a reflection of the social class in which she or he was raised\u2014even when an individual thinks he or she is selectively adopting elements from global flows that fit with his or her unique identity. In other words, an individual\u2019s \u201ctaste\u201d is actually an outgrowth of his or her <span class=\"CharOverride-4\">habitus<\/span>, the embodied dispositions that arise from one\u2019s enculturation in a specific social setting.[footnote]Pierre Bourdieu,<em> Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste<\/em>, trans. Richard Nice (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1984).[\/footnote] Habitus results in a feeling of ease within specific settings. For example, children who have been raised in upper-class homes are able to more seamlessly integrate into elite boarding schools than classmates on scholarships who might find norms of dining, dress, and overall comportment to be unfamiliar.[footnote] Shamus Rahman Khan, <em>Privilege: The Making of an Adolescent Elite at St. Paul\u2019s School<\/em> (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2012).[\/footnote] Habitus, the generative grammar for social action, generates tastes and, by extension, lifestyles.[footnote]Chaney, <em>Lifestyles<\/em>, 60.[\/footnote]<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Inevitably then, what people choose to consume from global offerings\u2014and the discourses they generate around those consumption choices\u2014are often indicative of their social status. Once a commodity becomes part of these global flows, it is theoretically available to all people regardless of where they live. In actual practice, however, there are additional gatekeeping devices that ensure continued differentiation between social classes. Price will prevent many people from enjoying globally traded goods. While a Coca-Cola may seem commonplace to the average college student in the U.S., it is considered a luxury good in other parts of the world. Likewise, although Kobe steaks (which come from the Japanese <em>wagyu <\/em>cattle) are available in the U.S., it is a relatively small subgroup of Americans who would be able and willing to spend hundreds of dollars for a serving of meat. Having the knowledge necessary to discern between different goods and then utilize them according to socially prescribed norms is another mark of distinction between social classes, as anthropologist Pierre Bourdieu\u2019s work on taste made clear.[footnote]Pierre Bourdieu, <em>Distinction<\/em>.[\/footnote]<\/p>\r\n\r\n<h3 class=\"H3\">ETHNOGRAPHIC CASE STUDY: Consumption, Status, and Recognition among the Elite in China <em>by Sarah Lyon<\/em><\/h3>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">In other parts of the world, the consumption of Western goods can be used to cement social and economic status within local networks. John Osburg studied the \u201cnew elite\u201d in China, the class of entrepreneurs who have successfully navigated the recent transitions in the Chinese economy since the early 1990s when private businesses and foreign investment began to steadily expand their reach in this communist country.<span class=\"Endnote-reference _idGenCharOverride-1\">[footnote]<\/span>56. John Osburg, <em>Anxious Wealth: Money and Morality among China\u2019s New Rich <\/em>(Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2013).<span class=\"Endnote-reference _idGenCharOverride-1\">[\/footnote]<\/span> Osburg found that the new elite do not constitute a coherent class defined by income level or occupation. Instead, they occupy an unstable and contested category and consequently rely on the consumption of Western-style goods and services in order to stabilize their identities.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Osburg argues that the whole point of elite consumption in Chengdu, China, is to make one\u2019s economic, social, and cultural capital as transparent and legible as possible to the widest audience in order to let everyone know one is wealthy and well connected. Consequently, the Chengdu elite favor easily recognizable and pricey brand names. However, consumption is not simply an arena of status display. Instead, Osburg shows how it is a form of social practice through which relationships with other elites are forged: the shared consumption of conventional luxury objects like liquor and tobacco solidifies relationships among the privileged.<span class=\"Endnote-reference _idGenCharOverride-1\">[footnote]Ibid., 121.[\/footnote]<\/span><\/p>\r\n\r\n<div class=\"textbox exercises\">\r\n<h3>discussion question<\/h3>\r\n<ol>\r\n \t<li>Thinking about your own daily economic activities, how is your lifestyle dependent on people in other places? In what ways might your consumption choices be connected to global economic inequality?<\/li>\r\n<\/ol>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<div class=\"textbox\">\r\n<h3 class=\"H1\">BIBLIOGRAPHY<\/h3>\r\nAcheson, James. <em>The Lobster Gangs of Maine<\/em>. Lebanon, NH: University Press of New England, 1988.\r\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Alexander, Michelle. <em>The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Color Blindness<\/em>. 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Stewart. <span class=\"CharOverride-9\">Collaborations and Conflict: A Leader through Time<\/span><span class=\"CharOverride-10\">. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, <\/span>1999.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Thomas, Elizabeth Marshall. <em>The Harmless People<\/em>. New York: Knopf, 1959.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Turnbull, Colin. 1963. <em>The Forest People: A Study of the Pygmies of the Congo<\/em>. New York: Simon and Schuster.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">\u2014\u2014\u2014. \u201cThe Mbuti Pygmies in the Congo.\u201d In <em>Peoples of Africa<\/em>, edited by James Gibbs, 279\u2013 318. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">\u2014\u2014\u2014. <em>The Mbuti Pygmies: Change and Adaptation<\/em>. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1983.<\/p>\r\nWaterston, Alisse. 1993.\u00a0<em>Street Addicts in the Political Economy<\/em>. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.\r\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Weber, Max. <span class=\"CharOverride-9\">The<\/span> <span class=\"CharOverride-9\">Theory of Social and Economic Organization<\/span><span class=\"CharOverride-10\">. New York: Free Press, <\/span>1997 [1947]<span class=\"CharOverride-2\">.<\/span><\/p>\r\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\"><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Wesimantel, Mary. <em>Food, Gender, and Poverty in the Ecuadorian Andes<\/em>. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1988.<\/span><\/p>\r\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">White, Douglas. \u201cRethinking Polygyny, Co-wives, Codes, and Cultural Systems.\u201d <em>Current Anthropology<\/em> 29 no. 4 (1988): 529\u2013533.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Wray, Matt. <em>Not Quite White: White Trash and the Boundaries of Whiteness.<\/em> Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2006.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Wolf, Eric R. \u201cClosed Corporate Communities in Mesoamerica and Central Java.\u201d <em>Southwestern Journal of Anthropology<\/em> 13 no. 1 (1957):1\u201318.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">\u2014\u2014\u2014. <em>Europe and the People without History. <\/em>Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">\u2014\u2014\u2014. <em>Peasants.<\/em> Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1966.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<div class=\"textbox\">\r\n<h3 class=\"H1\">NOTES<\/h3>\r\n<p class=\"Endnote-text ParaOverride-4\">Portions of this chapter were first published in <em>Cultural Anthropology: A Concise Introduction<\/em> by Paul McDowell and are reproduced here with permission of Kendall Hunt Publishing company.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<\/div>","rendered":"<div class=\"textbox learning-objectives\">\n<h3>Learning Objectives<\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Explain the differences between an egalitarian and stratified society and give examples of each.<\/li>\n<li>Explain the difference between a closed-class society and open-class society and give an example of each.<\/li>\n<li>Describe the relationship between consumption, lifestyle and class and how globalization influences consumption practices.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div>\n<h2>IS CLASS INEQUALITY &#8220;NATURAL?&#8221;<\/h2>\n<h3 class=\"H1\">EGALITARIAN SOCIETIES <em>by Paul McDowell<\/em><\/h3>\n<p class=\"Normal\">We humans are not equal in all things. The status of women is low relative to the status of men in many, if not most, societies as we will see. There is also the matter of age. In some societies, the aged enjoy greater prestige than the young; in others, the aged are subjected to discrimination in employment and other areas. Even in Japan, which has traditionally been known for its respect for elders, the prestige of the aged is in decline. And we vary in terms of our abilities. Some are more eloquent or skilled technically than others; some are expert craft persons while others are not; some excel at conceptual thought, whereas for the rest of us, there is always the <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">For Dummies<\/span><\/em> book series to manage our computers, software, and other parts of our daily lives such as wine and sex.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">In a complex society, it may seem that <strong>social classes<\/strong>\u2014differences in wealth and status\u2014are, like death and taxes, inevitable: that one is born into wealth, poverty, or somewhere in between and has no say in the matter, at least at the start of life, and that social class is an involuntary position in society. However, is social class universal? As they say, let\u2019s look at the record, in this case ethnographies. We find that <span style=\"color: #993300\">among groups of people outside the United States that rely on foraging for subsistence<\/span>, there is no advantage to hoarding food; in most climates, it will rot before one\u2019s eyes. Nor is there much personal property <span style=\"color: #993300\">in foraging societies<\/span>, and leadership, where it exists, is informal. In forager societies, the basic ingredients for social class do not exist. Foragers such as the !Kung, Inuit, and aboriginal Australians, are <strong>egalitarian<\/strong> societies in which there are few differences between members in wealth, status, and power. Highly skilled and less skilled hunters do not belong to different strata in the way that the captains of industry do from you and me. The less skilled hunters in egalitarian societies receive a share of the meat and have the right to be heard on important decisions. Egalitarian societies also lack a government or centralized leadership. Their leaders, known as headmen or big men, emerge by consensus of the group. Foraging societies are always egalitarian, but so are many societies that practice horticulture <span style=\"color: #993300\">(small-scale farming)<\/span> or pastoralism <span style=\"color: #993300\">(herding of livestock)<\/span>.<\/p>\n<h3 class=\"H1\">STRATIFIED SOCIETIES\u00a0<em>by Paul McDowell<\/em><\/h3>\n<p class=\"Normal\"><span class=\"Non-Indent-Para-Char CharOverride-7\">Opposite from egalitarian societies in the spectrum of social classes is the stratified society, which is defined as one in which elites who are a numerical minority control the strategic resources that sustain life. Strategic resources include water for states that depend on irrigation agriculture, land in agricultural societies, and oil in industrial<\/span> societies. Capital and products and resources used for further production are modes of production that rely on oil and other fossil fuels such as natural gas in industrial societies. (Current political movements call for the substitution of solar and wind power for fossil fuels.)<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Operationally, <strong>stratification<\/strong> is, as the term implies, a social structure that involves two or more largely mutually exclusive populations. An extreme example is the <strong>caste system<\/strong> of traditional Indian society, which draws its legitimacy from Hinduism. In <em>caste<\/em> <em>systems<\/em>, membership is determined by birth and remains fixed for life, and social mobility\u2014moving from one social class to another\u2014is not an option. Nor can persons of different castes marry; that is, they are endogamous. Although efforts have been made to abolish castes since India achieved independence in 1947, they still predominate in rural areas.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">India\u2019s caste system consists of four<em> varna<\/em>, pure castes, and one collectively known as <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Dalit<\/span><\/em> and sometimes as <em>Harijan\u2014<\/em>in English, \u201cuntouchables,\u201d reflecting the notion that for any <em>varna<\/em> caste member to touch or even see a <em>Dalit <\/em>pollutes them. The topmost <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">varna <\/span><\/em>caste is the <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Brahmin<\/span><\/em> or priestly caste. It is composed of priests, governmental officials and bureaucrats at all levels, and other professionals. The next highest is the <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Kshatriya<\/span><\/em>, the warrior caste, which includes soldiers and other military personnel and the police and their equivalents. Next are the <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Vaishyas<\/span><\/em>, who are craftsmen and merchants, followed by the <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Sudras<\/span><\/em> (pronounced \u201cshudra\u201d), who are peasants and menial workers. Metaphorically, they represent the parts of <em>Manu<\/em>, who is said to have given rise to the human race through dismemberment. The head corresponds to <em>Brahmin<\/em>, the arms to<em> Kshatriya<\/em>, the thighs to <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Vaishya<\/span><\/em>, and the feet to the <em>Sudra<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">There are also a variety of subcastes in India. The most important are the hundreds, if not thousands, of occupational subcastes known as <em>jatis<\/em>. Wheelwrights, ironworkers, landed peasants, landless farmworkers, tailors of various types, and barbers all belong to different <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">jatis<\/span>.<\/em> Like the broader castes, <em>jatis <\/em>are endogamous and one is born into them. They form the basis of the <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">jajmani<\/span><\/em> relationship, which involves the provider of a particular service, the <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">jajman<\/span>,<\/em> and the recipient of the service, the <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">kamin<\/span>.<\/em> Training is involved in these occupations but one cannot change vocations. Furthermore, the relationship between the <em>jajman <\/em>and the <em>kamin <\/em>is determined by previous generations. If I were to provide you, my <em>kamin, <\/em>with haircutting services, it would be because my father cut your father\u2019s hair. In other words, you would be stuck with me regardless of how poor a barber I might be. This system represents another example of an economy as an instituted process, an economy embedded in society.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation (New York: Beacon Press, 1944).\" id=\"return-footnote-785-1\" href=\"#footnote-785-1\" aria-label=\"Footnote 1\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[1]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Similar restrictions apply to those excluded from the <em>varna <\/em>castes, the \u201cuntouchables\u201d or<em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\"> Dalit<\/span><\/em>. Under the worst restrictions, <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Dalits <\/span><\/em>were thought to pollute other castes. If the shadow of a<em> Dalit<\/em> fell on a <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Brahmin<\/span><\/em>, the <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Brahmin<\/span> <\/em>immediately went home to bathe. Thus, at various times and locations, the untouchables were also unseeable, able to come out only at night.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Bruce Long, \u201cReincarnation,\u201d Encyclopedia of Religion (New York: Macmillan, 1987) and William Maloney, \u201cDharma,\u201d Encyclopedia of Religion, Vol. 4 (New York: Macmillan, 1987).\" id=\"return-footnote-785-2\" href=\"#footnote-785-2\" aria-label=\"Footnote 2\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[2]<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0<em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Dalits <\/span><\/em>were born into jobs considered polluting to other castes, particularly work involving dead animals, such as butchering (Hinduism discourages consumption of meat so the clients were Muslims, Christians, and believers of other religions), skinning, tanning, and shoemaking with leather. Contact between an upper caste person and a person of any lower caste, even if \u201cpure,\u201d was also considered polluting and was strictly forbidden.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">The theological basis of caste relations is <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">karma<\/span><\/em>\u2014the belief that one\u2019s caste in this life is the cumulative product of one\u2019s acts in past lives, which extends to all beings, from minerals to animals to gods. Therefore, though soul class mobility is nonexistent during a lifetime, it is possible between lifetimes. <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Brahmins<\/span><\/em> justified their station by claiming that they must have done good in their past lives. However, there are indications that the untouchable <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Dalits<\/span><\/em> and other lower castes are not convinced of their legitimation.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Ravindra Khare, The Untouchable as Himself: Identity and Pragmatism among the Lucknow Chamars (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1984).\" id=\"return-footnote-785-3\" href=\"#footnote-785-3\" aria-label=\"Footnote 3\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[3]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Although India\u2019s system is the most extreme, it not the only caste system. In Japan, a caste known as <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Burakumin <\/span><\/em>is similar in status to<em> Dalits<\/em>. Though they are no different in physical appearance from other Japanese people, the <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Burakumin<\/span><\/em> people have been forced to live in ghettos for centuries. They descend from people who worked in the leather tanning industry, a low-status occupation, and still work in leather industries such as shoemaking. Marriage between <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Burakumin<\/span><\/em> and other Japanese people is restricted, and their children are excluded from public schools.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Harumi Befu, Japan: An Anthropological Introduction (San Francisco: Chandler, 1971).\" id=\"return-footnote-785-4\" href=\"#footnote-785-4\" aria-label=\"Footnote 4\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[4]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Some degree of social mobility characterizes all societies, but even so-called <strong>open-class societies<\/strong> are not as mobile as one might think. In the United States, for example, actual movement up the social latter is rare despite rags-to-riches myths. Stories of individuals \u201cmaking it\u201d through hard work ignore the majority of individuals whose hard work does not pay off or who actually experience downward mobility. Indeed, the Occupy Movement, which began in 2011, recognizes a dichotomy in American society of the 1 percent (millionaires and billionaires) versus the 99 percent (everyone else). In India (a <strong>closed-class society<\/strong>), on the other hand, there are exceptions to the caste system. In <em>Rajasthan<\/em>, for example, those who own or control most of the land are not of the warrior caste as one might expect; they are of the lowest caste and their tenants and laborers are <em><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Brahmins<\/span><\/em>.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"William Haviland, Cultural Anthropology: The Human Challenge.\" id=\"return-footnote-785-5\" href=\"#footnote-785-5\" aria-label=\"Footnote 5\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[5]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<h2 class=\"H1\">POLITICAL ECONOMY: UNDERSTANDING INEQUALITY <em>by Sarah Lyon<\/em><\/h2>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Humans are fundamentally social, and our culture is always shared and patterned: we live our lives in groups. However, not all groups serve the needs of their members, and some people have more power than others, meaning they can make the weak consent through threats and coercion. Within all societies there are classes of people defined by the kinds of property they own and\/or the kinds of work they engage in.<span class=\"Endnote-reference _idGenCharOverride-1\"><a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Wilk and Cliggett, Economies and Cultures: Foundations of Economic Anthropology, 84, 95.\" id=\"return-footnote-785-6\" href=\"#footnote-785-6\" aria-label=\"Footnote 6\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[6]<\/sup><\/a><\/span> Beginning in the 1960s, an increasing number of anthropologists began to study the world around them through the lens of <b>political economy<\/b>. This approach recognizes that the economy is central to everyday life but contextualizes economic relations within state structures, political processes, social structures, and cultural values.<span class=\"Endnote-reference _idGenCharOverride-1\"><a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Josiah Heyman, \u201cPolitical Economy,\u201d in Handbook of Sociocultural Anthropology, ed. James Carrier and Deborah Gewertz (New York: Berg Publishers, 2013), 89.\" id=\"return-footnote-785-7\" href=\"#footnote-785-7\" aria-label=\"Footnote 7\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[7]<\/sup><\/a><\/span> Some political economic anthropologists focus on how societies and markets have historically evolved while others ask how individuals deal with the forces that oppress them, focusing on historical legacies of social domination and marginalization.<span class=\"Endnote-reference _idGenCharOverride-1\"><a class=\"footnote\" title=\"The historical evolution of societies and markets is explored by Eric Wolf in Europe and the People without History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982). The legacies of social domination and marginalization are discussed by Philippe Bourgois in In Search of Respect: Selling Crack in El Barrio (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995).\" id=\"return-footnote-785-8\" href=\"#footnote-785-8\" aria-label=\"Footnote 8\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[8]<\/sup><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Karl Marx famously wrote, \u201cMen make their own history, but they do not make it as they please; they do not make it under self-selected circumstances, but under circumstances existing already, given and transmitted from the past.\u201d<span class=\"Endnote-reference _idGenCharOverride-1\"><a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Karl Marx, The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon, in The Marx-Engels Reader, 2nd Edition, ed. Robert C. Tucker (New York: W. W. Norton, 1978[1852]).\" id=\"return-footnote-785-9\" href=\"#footnote-785-9\" aria-label=\"Footnote 9\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[9]<\/sup><\/a><\/span> In other words, while humans are inherently creative, our possibilities are limited by the structural realities of our everyday lives.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Consider a typical college student. Is this student happy with the courses her department or college is offering? Are there courses that she needs to graduate that are not being offered yet? She is free to choose among the listed courses, but she cannot choose which courses are available. This depends on factors beyond her control as a student: who is available to teach which topics or what the administration has decided is important enough to offer. So, her agency and ability to choose is highly constrained by the structures in place. In the same way, political economies constrain people\u2019s choices and define the terms by which we must live. Importantly, it is not simply structures that determine our choices and actions; these are also shaped by our community.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Just as our college student may come to think of the requirements she has to fulfill for her degree as just the way it is (even if she does not want to take that theory course!), people come to think of their available choices in everyday life as simply the natural order of things. However, the degree of agency one has depends on the amount of power one has and the degree to which one understands the structural dimensions of one\u2019s life. This focus on power and structural relations parallels an anthropological understanding of culture as a holistic system: economic relations never exist by themselves, apart from social and political institutions.<\/p>\n<h2>POLICING POVERTY: AN ANALYSIS REVISITED\u00a0 <em>By Alisse Waterston<\/em><\/h2>\n<div id=\"attachment_832\" style=\"width: 774px\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" aria-describedby=\"caption-attachment-832\" class=\"wp-image-832 size-full\" src=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/4511\/2019\/05\/06193011\/police-car.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"764\" height=\"510\" \/><\/p>\n<p id=\"caption-attachment-832\" class=\"wp-caption-text\">Photo by Ric Curtis.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div>\n<div class=\"block-image underlined\">\n<div class=\"wrapper cleared\"><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"block-wysiwyg underlined\">\n<div class=\"wrapper cleared\">\n<blockquote><p>It is simply because the communal interest is not recognized for what it is that one class is able to disguise its interest as the \u201cgeneral good\u201d and to promote it through the organs of the state.<\/p>\n<p>\u2014Bertell Ollman,\u00a0<em>Alienation<\/em><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>When Stanton was arrested, he didn\u2019t give up without a fight. A group had formed in Washington Square Park, playing music, drinking, and carousing. \u201cSo we went on like that the rest of the night,\u201d said Stanton, until the \u201ccops came in, said they were closing the park.\u201d Stanton and his friend muttered a few \u201cfuck yous\u201d and that\u2019s when the trouble began. Next thing, explained Stanton, \u201cthe cop said, \u2018You with the mouth, come over here.\u2019 So he brings me over to the car and starts rousting me, tossing me up against the car.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Jarmin learned the hard way that talking back to the police makes things worse for a guy in a jam. When he talks about violence, he talks about his experiences with police: \u201cI call [it] police brutality, that\u2019s excessive use of force or intimidation tactics, harassment.\u201d Jarmin says his ways have changed over the years. \u201cWhen I was younger, you know, police would say something, I gotta say something back to them . . . Now that I\u2019m older, I approach it differently.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>T.K., now in his thirties, started talking back to cops when he was a teenager. In many run-ins with police, T.K. and his twin brother would speak up, since \u201cwe weren\u2019t the type that didn\u2019t talk up for ourself, we always talked back and let them know we not no chumps, or nobody you could put something on.\u201d One time, the brothers were visiting girlfriends at a housing project. The housing police were suspicious of them, and as T.K. relates it: \u201cThey came up on me and my brother and tried to do us bodily harm. We fought back, and got arrested.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Ethnographers could have collected these stories last week on any number of urban street corners in poor and working-poor neighborhoods in the United States. But these encounters with conflict are narratives I pulled from my book\u00a0<em>Street Addicts in the Political Economy<\/em>\u00a0(1993), published twenty-two years ago and based on data collected in the mid-1980s, just as the crack epidemic burst onto the New York scene and HIV\/AIDS was becoming a full-force pandemic. In what follows, I summarize the critical analysis I offered at that time and suggest that it resonates with the current moment. Today\u2019s tragedies\u2014the extrajudicial killings of black people in cities across the country, anti-black racism, and police violence\u2014are linked to historically long and deeply entrenched racialized class dynamics and the processes, policies, and logics they shape.<\/p>\n<p>In the mid- to late 1980s, the focus of much policy-related \u201csocial problem\u201d research was the visible nexus of drugs, crime, and violence by the racialized poor in urban neighborhoods, a focus that left unexamined larger social forces implicated in what happens on the ground in those very neighborhoods. What happened on the ground was economic restructuring along with the restructuring of the welfare state, which resulted in mass economic dislocations and the enormous polarization of wealth that continues to the present. While economic restructuring generated a surplus of people redundant in the formal economy, it was the poor who appeared aberrant, useful as an ideological tool.<\/p>\n<p>In my study, now decades-old, I critiqued the obsessive, dangerous, and misleading social and social-science practice of focusing on \u201cthem,\u201d the so-called social marginals perceived as deviating from the norm and imagined as enormously threatening. The poor\/working poor so often got cast that way no matter the specific topic of study: drugs, crime, prisoners, juveniles, teenage pregnancy, \u201cwelfare mothers.\u201d It was a functional obsession that ghettoized, dehumanized, and degraded racialized minorities\u2014placed in a category by those with the power to put them there.<\/p>\n<p>These practices coincided with specific state policies that included the war on drugs and political-economic practices that included locking up an enormous number of black and brown people in an exploding number of prisons. On view were the clear and present faults of the racialized poor:\u00a0<em>their<\/em>\u00a0addictions,\u00a0<em>their<\/em>\u00a0deviancy,\u00a0<em>their<\/em>\u00a0thievery,\u00a0<em>their<\/em>\u00a0violence. The hyper-focus rendered invisible the ongoing social dynamics between racialized and class unequals in social institutions, including but not limited to the criminal justice system. Poverty and its roots were stripped from the official narrative, leaving to the popular imagination an image of a dark and dangerous threat haunting city streets\u2014a key component in the reproduction and institutionalization of racialized class inequality.<\/p>\n<p>My goal then was to expose those invisible social forces, or at least to theorize them in an effort to unveil, analyze, and reveal what was cast into the shadows. Relations between men like Stanton, Jarmin, and T.K. and the organs of the state\u2014police, lawyers, judges, and jailers\u2014were marked by tension. Yet the biggest battles were played out between the \u201ccops\u201d and the \u201ccriminals\u201d in tense one-on-one encounters on the street, a fact I found ironic considering both groups occupied a class position not so very distant from one another. I also observed how enforcement techniques\u2014from intimidation to physical brutality\u2014helped create psychological distance between police and those imagined as unlawful misfits.<\/p>\n<p>The story behind the situation came into sharp focus: the racialized tension, the antagonistic relations, the psychological distancing, and the social roles of cops and criminals effectively obscured any common interest the two groups may have shared. The more visible (and brutal) the battles between cops and criminals, the less visible were wider class conflicts. By this analysis, police were kept in line by fulfilling their job functions; in turn, they directly managed those cast as potential criminals. Whether intentionally or not, by its logic and function the criminal justice system ultimately served to manage, contain, and control class conflict, undoubtedly a most serious threat to the status quo then\u2014and now.<\/p>\n<p>Today, the \u201csocial problems\u201d may have shifted slightly but the structural and ideological forces rooted in the conflict have not. After all, <strong>hegemony<\/strong> is not automatic; it takes multiple methods to police poverty\u2014to obtain and sustain social authority.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div>\n<div class=\"textbox examples\">\n<h3>WATCH BOTH ted talks<\/h3>\n<p><iframe loading=\"lazy\" id=\"oembed-1\" title=\"Anand Giridharadas: A tale of two Americas. And the mini-mart where they collided\" src=\"https:\/\/embed.ted.com\/talks\/anand_giridharadas_a_tale_of_two_americas_and_the_mini_mart_where_they_collided\" width=\"500\" height=\"282\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\"><\/iframe><\/p>\n<p><iframe loading=\"lazy\" id=\"oembed-2\" title=\"J.D. Vance: America&#39;s forgotten working class\" src=\"https:\/\/embed.ted.com\/talks\/j_d_vance_america_s_forgotten_working_class\" width=\"500\" height=\"282\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\"><\/iframe><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<h2><\/h2>\n<h2 class=\"H1\">CONSUMPTION AND GLOBAL CAPITALISM <em>by Sarah Lyons<\/em><\/h2>\n<p class=\"Normal\"><b>Consumption<\/b> refers to the process of buying, eating, or using a resource, food, commodity, or service. Anthropologists understand consumption more specifically as the forms of behavior that connect our economic activity with the cultural symbols that give our lives meaning.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Rudi Colloredo-Mansfeld, \u201cConsumption: From Cultural Theory to the Ethnography of Capitalism,\u201d in Handbook of Sociocultural Anthropology, ed. James Carrier and Deborah Gewertz (New York: Berg Publishers, 2013), 319.\u00a0\" id=\"return-footnote-785-10\" href=\"#footnote-785-10\" aria-label=\"Footnote 10\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[10]<\/sup><\/a>People\u2019s consumption patterns are a large part of their lives, and economic anthropologists explore why, how, and when people consume what they do. The answers to these questions lie in people\u2019s ideologies and identities as members of a social group; each culture is different and each consumes in its own way. Consumption is always social even when it addresses physical needs. For example, all humans need to eat, but people around the world have radically different ideas of what foods and flavors are most desirable and appropriate.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">We use our material possessions to meet our needs (for example, we wear clothing to protect us from the environment), regulate our social lives, and affirm the rightful order of things.<span class=\"Endnote-reference _idGenCharOverride-1\"><a class=\"footnote\" title=\"\u00a047. Ibid.\" id=\"return-footnote-785-11\" href=\"#footnote-785-11\" aria-label=\"Footnote 11\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[11]<\/sup><\/a><\/span>Anthropologists understand that the commodities we buy are not just good for eating or shelter, they are good for <em>thinking<\/em>: in acquiring and possessing particular goods, people make visible and stable the categories of culture.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Mary Douglas and Baron Isherwood, A World of Goods: Toward an Anthropology of Consumption (New York: Basic Books, 1979).\u00a0\" id=\"return-footnote-785-12\" href=\"#footnote-785-12\" aria-label=\"Footnote 12\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[12]<\/sup><\/a>For example, consumption helps us establish and defend differences among people and occasions: I might wear a specific t-shirt and cap to a baseball game with friends in order to distinguish myself as a fan of a particular team. In the process, I make myself easily identifiable within the larger fan community. However, I probably would not wear this same outfit to a job interview because it would be inappropriate for the occasion.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Economic anthropologists are also interested in why objects become status symbols and how these come to be experienced as an aspect of the self.<span class=\"Endnote-reference _idGenCharOverride-1\"><a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Colloredo-Mansfeld, \u201cConsumption: From Cultural Theory to the Ethnography of Capitalism.\u201d\" id=\"return-footnote-785-13\" href=\"#footnote-785-13\" aria-label=\"Footnote 13\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[13]<\/sup><\/a><\/span> Objects have a \u201csocial life\u201d during which they may pass through various statuses: a silver cake server begins its life as a commodity for sale in a store.<span class=\"Endnote-reference _idGenCharOverride-1\"> <a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Arjun Appadurai, The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986).\" id=\"return-footnote-785-14\" href=\"#footnote-785-14\" aria-label=\"Footnote 14\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[14]<\/sup><\/a><\/span> However, imagine that someone\u2019s great-grandmother used that server to cut the cake at her wedding, and it became a cherished family heirloom passed down from one generation to the next. Unfortunately, the server ended up in the hands of a cousin who did not feel a sentimental attachment to this object. She sold it to a gold and silver broker for currency and it was transformed into an anonymous commodity. That broker in turn sold it to a dealer who melted it down, turning the once cherished cake server back into a raw material.<\/p>\n<h3 class=\"H2-below-TB-LO\">Lifestyle, Taste, and Conspicuous Consumption\u00a0<em>By\u00a0Lauren M. Griffith and\u00a0Jonathan S. Marion<\/em><\/h3>\n<p class=\"Normal\">While some aspects of globalization are best studied at the societal level, others are best examined at smaller scales such as the trends visible within specific socio-economic strata or even at the level of individual decision-making. The concept of <strong>lifestyle<\/strong>\u00a0refers to the creative, reflexive, and sometimes even ironic ways in which individuals perform various social identities. Sociologist David Chaney describes lifestyles as \u201ccharacteristic modes of social engagement, or narratives of identity, in which the actions concerned can embed the metaphors at hand.\u201d<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"David Chaney, Lifestyles (London: Routledge, 1996), 92.\" id=\"return-footnote-785-15\" href=\"#footnote-785-15\" aria-label=\"Footnote 15\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[15]<\/sup><\/a> The lifestyles we live and portray, then, can be seen as reflexive projects (see the Fieldwork chapter for more information about reflexivity) in the sense that they display both to ourselves and to our audiences who we think we are, who we want to be, and who we want to be seen to be.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Chaney argues that people only feel the need to differentiate themselves when confronted with an array of available styles of living.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Chaney, Lifestyles.\" id=\"return-footnote-785-16\" href=\"#footnote-785-16\" aria-label=\"Footnote 16\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[16]<\/sup><\/a> Societies organized via organic solidarity (versus mechanical) are predicated on different goods, skills, and tasks. Within this framework, the rise of a consumerist economy enables individuals to exhibit their identities through the purchase and conspicuous use of various goods.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Ibid.\" id=\"return-footnote-785-17\" href=\"#footnote-785-17\" aria-label=\"Footnote 17\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[17]<\/sup><\/a> Globalization has increased the variety of goods available for individuals to purchase\u2014as well as people\u2019s awareness of these products\u2014thus expanding the range of identities that can be performed through their consumption habits. In some situations, identity is an individual project, with conspicuous consumption used to display one\u2019s sense of self.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Critics have argued that a consequence of globalization is the homogenization of culture. Along similar lines, some have worried that the rapid expansion of the leisure market would decrease the diversity of cultural products (e.g. books, movies) consumed by the populace. The disappearance of small-scale shops and restaurants has certainly been an outcome of the rise of global conglomerates, but the homogenization of culture is not a foregone conclusion.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Ibid., 24.\" id=\"return-footnote-785-18\" href=\"#footnote-785-18\" aria-label=\"Footnote 18\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[18]<\/sup><\/a> Globalization enables individuals in far-flung corners of the world to encounter new ideas, commodities, belief systems, and voluntary groups to which they might choose to belong. At times these are at the expense of existing options, but it is also important to acknowledge that people make choices and can select the options or opportunities that most resonate with them. The concept of lifestyle thus highlights the degree of decision-making available to individual actors who can pick and choose from global commodities, ideas, and activities. At the same time as individual choices are involved, the decisions made and the assemblages selected are far from random. Participating in a lifestyle implies knowledge about consumption; knowing how to distinguish between goods is a form of symbolic capital that further enhances the standing of the individual.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Ibid., 57.\" id=\"return-footnote-785-19\" href=\"#footnote-785-19\" aria-label=\"Footnote 19\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[19]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">How much free will, freedom of choice, or autonomy an individual actually has is an age-old question far beyond the scope of this chapter, but in many cases a person\u2019s consumption patterns are actually a reflection of the social class in which she or he was raised\u2014even when an individual thinks he or she is selectively adopting elements from global flows that fit with his or her unique identity. In other words, an individual\u2019s \u201ctaste\u201d is actually an outgrowth of his or her <span class=\"CharOverride-4\">habitus<\/span>, the embodied dispositions that arise from one\u2019s enculturation in a specific social setting.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Pierre Bourdieu, Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste, trans. Richard Nice (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1984).\" id=\"return-footnote-785-20\" href=\"#footnote-785-20\" aria-label=\"Footnote 20\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[20]<\/sup><\/a> Habitus results in a feeling of ease within specific settings. For example, children who have been raised in upper-class homes are able to more seamlessly integrate into elite boarding schools than classmates on scholarships who might find norms of dining, dress, and overall comportment to be unfamiliar.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Shamus Rahman Khan, Privilege: The Making of an Adolescent Elite at St. Paul\u2019s School (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2012).\" id=\"return-footnote-785-21\" href=\"#footnote-785-21\" aria-label=\"Footnote 21\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[21]<\/sup><\/a> Habitus, the generative grammar for social action, generates tastes and, by extension, lifestyles.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Chaney, Lifestyles, 60.\" id=\"return-footnote-785-22\" href=\"#footnote-785-22\" aria-label=\"Footnote 22\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[22]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Inevitably then, what people choose to consume from global offerings\u2014and the discourses they generate around those consumption choices\u2014are often indicative of their social status. Once a commodity becomes part of these global flows, it is theoretically available to all people regardless of where they live. In actual practice, however, there are additional gatekeeping devices that ensure continued differentiation between social classes. Price will prevent many people from enjoying globally traded goods. While a Coca-Cola may seem commonplace to the average college student in the U.S., it is considered a luxury good in other parts of the world. Likewise, although Kobe steaks (which come from the Japanese <em>wagyu <\/em>cattle) are available in the U.S., it is a relatively small subgroup of Americans who would be able and willing to spend hundreds of dollars for a serving of meat. Having the knowledge necessary to discern between different goods and then utilize them according to socially prescribed norms is another mark of distinction between social classes, as anthropologist Pierre Bourdieu\u2019s work on taste made clear.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Pierre Bourdieu, Distinction.\" id=\"return-footnote-785-23\" href=\"#footnote-785-23\" aria-label=\"Footnote 23\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[23]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<h3 class=\"H3\">ETHNOGRAPHIC CASE STUDY: Consumption, Status, and Recognition among the Elite in China <em>by Sarah Lyon<\/em><\/h3>\n<p class=\"Normal\">In other parts of the world, the consumption of Western goods can be used to cement social and economic status within local networks. John Osburg studied the \u201cnew elite\u201d in China, the class of entrepreneurs who have successfully navigated the recent transitions in the Chinese economy since the early 1990s when private businesses and foreign investment began to steadily expand their reach in this communist country.<span class=\"Endnote-reference _idGenCharOverride-1\"><a class=\"footnote\" title=\"56. John Osburg, Anxious Wealth: Money and Morality among China\u2019s New Rich (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2013).\" id=\"return-footnote-785-24\" href=\"#footnote-785-24\" aria-label=\"Footnote 24\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[24]<\/sup><\/a><\/span> Osburg found that the new elite do not constitute a coherent class defined by income level or occupation. Instead, they occupy an unstable and contested category and consequently rely on the consumption of Western-style goods and services in order to stabilize their identities.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Osburg argues that the whole point of elite consumption in Chengdu, China, is to make one\u2019s economic, social, and cultural capital as transparent and legible as possible to the widest audience in order to let everyone know one is wealthy and well connected. Consequently, the Chengdu elite favor easily recognizable and pricey brand names. However, consumption is not simply an arena of status display. Instead, Osburg shows how it is a form of social practice through which relationships with other elites are forged: the shared consumption of conventional luxury objects like liquor and tobacco solidifies relationships among the privileged.<span class=\"Endnote-reference _idGenCharOverride-1\"><a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Ibid., 121.\" id=\"return-footnote-785-25\" href=\"#footnote-785-25\" aria-label=\"Footnote 25\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[25]<\/sup><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n<div class=\"textbox exercises\">\n<h3>discussion question<\/h3>\n<ol>\n<li>Thinking about your own daily economic activities, how is your lifestyle dependent on people in other places? In what ways might your consumption choices be connected to global economic inequality?<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"textbox\">\n<h3 class=\"H1\">BIBLIOGRAPHY<\/h3>\n<p>Acheson, James. <em>The Lobster Gangs of Maine<\/em>. 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Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2013.<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Otterbein, Keith. \u201cThe Anthropology of War.\u201d In <em>Handbook of Social and Cultural Anthropology<\/em>, edited by John Huntington. Chicago: Rand McNally, 1974.<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">\u2014\u2014\u2014. <span class=\"CharOverride-9\">The Evolution of War: A Cross-cultural Study.<\/span><span class=\"CharOverride-10\"> New Haven, CT: Human Relation Area Files, <\/span>1989.<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Papavasiliou, Faidra. \u201cFair Money, Fair Trade: Tracing Alternative Consumption in a Local Currency Economy.\u201d In <em>Fair Trade and Social Justice: Global Ethnographies<\/em>, edited by Sarah Lyon and Mark Moberg. New York: New York University Press, 2010.<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Perelman, Michael. <em>The Invention of Capitalism: Classical Political Economy and the Secret History of Primitive Accumulation<\/em>. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2000.<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Piddocke, Stuart. \u201cThe Potlatch System of the Southern Kwakiutl: A New Perspective,\u201d <em>Southwestern Journal of Anthropology<\/em> 21 (1965).<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Polanyi, Karl. <em>The Great Transformation<\/em>. New York: Beacon Press, 1944.<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Redfield, Robert. <em>The Little Community and Peasant Society and Culture.<\/em> Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989.<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Roberts, Sam. \u201cFighting the Tide of Bloodshed on Streets Resembling a War Zone.\u201d <em>New York Times<\/em>, November 15, 1993: B12.<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Sahlins, Marshall. \u201cThe Segmentary Lineage: An Organization of Predatory Expansion.\u201d <em>American Anthropologist<\/em> 63 (1961):322\u2013343.<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Sangree, Walter. \u201cThe Bantu Tiriki of Western Kenya.\u201d In <em>Peoples of Africa, <\/em>edited by James Gibbs. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965.<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Schuller, Mark. \u201cHaiti\u2019s Disaster after the Disaster: the IDP Camps and Cholera,\u201d <em>Journal of Humanitarian Assistance<\/em>, December 10, 2013. https:\/\/sites.tufts.edu\/jha\/archives\/869<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">\u2014\u2014\u2014. <em>Killing with Kindness: Haiti, International Aid, and NGOs<\/em>. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2012.<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\"><span class=\"CharOverride-10\">Scupin, Raymond. <\/span><span class=\"CharOverride-9\">Cultural Anthropology: A Global Perspective<\/span><span class=\"CharOverride-10\">. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson, 2012<\/span><span class=\"CharOverride-9\">.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Service, Elman. <em>Primitive Social Organization: An Evolutionary Perspective<\/em>. New York: Random House, 1962.<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">\u2014\u2014\u2014. <em>Origins of the State and Civilization: The Process of Cultural Evolution.<\/em> New York: W.W. Norton, 1975<span class=\"CharOverride-2\">.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">\u2014\u2014\u2014. <em>Profiles of Ethnology<\/em>. New York: Harper Collins, 1978.<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Smith, Daniel. <em>A Culture of Corruption: Everyday Deception and Popular Discontent in Nigeria<\/em>. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007.<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Stavrianos, Leften S. <em>Global Rift<\/em>. New York: Quill, 1974.<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Steward, Julian. <em>The Theory of Culture Change: The Methodology of Multilinear Evolution. <\/em>Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1955.<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Strathern, Andrew, and Pamela J. Stewart. <span class=\"CharOverride-9\">Collaborations and Conflict: A Leader through Time<\/span><span class=\"CharOverride-10\">. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, <\/span>1999.<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Thomas, Elizabeth Marshall. <em>The Harmless People<\/em>. New York: Knopf, 1959.<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Turnbull, Colin. 1963. <em>The Forest People: A Study of the Pygmies of the Congo<\/em>. New York: Simon and Schuster.<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">\u2014\u2014\u2014. \u201cThe Mbuti Pygmies in the Congo.\u201d In <em>Peoples of Africa<\/em>, edited by James Gibbs, 279\u2013 318. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965.<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">\u2014\u2014\u2014. <em>The Mbuti Pygmies: Change and Adaptation<\/em>. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1983.<\/p>\n<p>Waterston, Alisse. 1993.\u00a0<em>Street Addicts in the Political Economy<\/em>. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Weber, Max. <span class=\"CharOverride-9\">The<\/span> <span class=\"CharOverride-9\">Theory of Social and Economic Organization<\/span><span class=\"CharOverride-10\">. New York: Free Press, <\/span>1997 [1947]<span class=\"CharOverride-2\">.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\"><span class=\"CharOverride-2\">Wesimantel, Mary. <em>Food, Gender, and Poverty in the Ecuadorian Andes<\/em>. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1988.<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">White, Douglas. \u201cRethinking Polygyny, Co-wives, Codes, and Cultural Systems.\u201d <em>Current Anthropology<\/em> 29 no. 4 (1988): 529\u2013533.<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Wray, Matt. <em>Not Quite White: White Trash and the Boundaries of Whiteness.<\/em> Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2006.<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">Wolf, Eric R. \u201cClosed Corporate Communities in Mesoamerica and Central Java.\u201d <em>Southwestern Journal of Anthropology<\/em> 13 no. 1 (1957):1\u201318.<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">\u2014\u2014\u2014. <em>Europe and the People without History. <\/em>Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982.<\/p>\n<p class=\"References hanging-indent\">\u2014\u2014\u2014. <em>Peasants.<\/em> Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1966.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"textbox\">\n<h3 class=\"H1\">NOTES<\/h3>\n<p class=\"Endnote-text ParaOverride-4\">Portions of this chapter were first published in <em>Cultural Anthropology: A Concise Introduction<\/em> by Paul McDowell and are reproduced here with permission of Kendall Hunt Publishing company.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n\n\t\t\t <section class=\"citations-section\" role=\"contentinfo\">\n\t\t\t <h3>Candela Citations<\/h3>\n\t\t\t\t\t <div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t <div id=\"citation-list-785\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t <div class=\"licensing\"><div class=\"license-attribution-dropdown-subheading\">CC licensed content, Shared previously<\/div><ul class=\"citation-list\"><li>Perspectives: An Open Invitation to Cultural Anthropology. <strong>Authored by<\/strong>: Edited by Nina Brown, Laura Tubelle de Gonzalez, and Thomas McIlwraith. <strong>Provided by<\/strong>: American Anthropological Association. <strong>Located at<\/strong>: <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/perspectives.americananthro.org\/\">http:\/\/perspectives.americananthro.org\/<\/a>. <strong>License<\/strong>: <em><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"license\" href=\"https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/licenses\/by-nc\/4.0\/\">CC BY-NC: Attribution-NonCommercial<\/a><\/em><\/li><li>Political Anthropology: A Cross-Cultural Comparison. <strong>Authored by<\/strong>: Paul McDowell. <strong>Provided by<\/strong>: Santa Barbara City College. <strong>Located at<\/strong>: <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/perspectives.americananthro.org\/Chapters\/Political_Anthropology.pdf\">http:\/\/perspectives.americananthro.org\/Chapters\/Political_Anthropology.pdf<\/a>. <strong>License<\/strong>: <em><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"license\" href=\"https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/licenses\/by-nc\/4.0\/\">CC BY-NC: Attribution-NonCommercial<\/a><\/em><\/li><li>Economics. <strong>Authored by<\/strong>: Sarah Lyon. <strong>Provided by<\/strong>: University of Kentucky. <strong>Located at<\/strong>: <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/perspectives.americananthro.org\/Chapters\/Economics.pdf\">http:\/\/perspectives.americananthro.org\/Chapters\/Economics.pdf<\/a>. <strong>License<\/strong>: <em><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"license\" href=\"https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/licenses\/by-nc\/4.0\/\">CC BY-NC: Attribution-NonCommercial<\/a><\/em><\/li><li>Policing Poverty: An Analysis Revisited. Hot Spots. <strong>Authored by<\/strong>: Alisse Waterston. <strong>Provided by<\/strong>: Fieldsights. <strong>Located at<\/strong>: <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"https:\/\/culanth.org\/fieldsights\/policing-poverty-an-analysis-revisited\">https:\/\/culanth.org\/fieldsights\/policing-poverty-an-analysis-revisited<\/a>. <strong>License<\/strong>: <em><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"license\" href=\"https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/licenses\/by-nc-sa\/4.0\/\">CC BY-NC-SA: Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike<\/a><\/em><\/li><li>Language. <strong>Authored by<\/strong>: Linda Light. <strong>Provided by<\/strong>: California State University, Long Beach. <strong>Located at<\/strong>: <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/perspectives.americananthro.org\/Chapters\/Language.pdf\">http:\/\/perspectives.americananthro.org\/Chapters\/Language.pdf<\/a>. <strong>License<\/strong>: <em><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"license\" href=\"https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/licenses\/by-nc\/4.0\/\">CC BY-NC: Attribution-NonCommercial<\/a><\/em><\/li><li>The year I was homeless. <strong>Authored by<\/strong>: Becky Blanton. <strong>Provided by<\/strong>: TED Talks. <strong>Located at<\/strong>: <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"https:\/\/www.ted.com\/talks\/becky_blanton_the_year_i_was_homeless?referrer=playlist-check_your_assumptions\">https:\/\/www.ted.com\/talks\/becky_blanton_the_year_i_was_homeless?referrer=playlist-check_your_assumptions<\/a>. <strong>License<\/strong>: <em><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"license\" href=\"https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/licenses\/by-nc-nd\/4.0\/\">CC BY-NC-ND: Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives <\/a><\/em><\/li><li>America&#039;s forgotten working class. <strong>Authored by<\/strong>: J.D. Vance. <strong>Provided by<\/strong>: TED Talks. <strong>Located at<\/strong>: <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"https:\/\/www.ted.com\/talks\/j_d_vance_america_s_forgotten_working_class\">https:\/\/www.ted.com\/talks\/j_d_vance_america_s_forgotten_working_class<\/a>. <strong>License<\/strong>: <em><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"license\" href=\"https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/licenses\/by-nc-nd\/4.0\/\">CC BY-NC-ND: Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives <\/a><\/em><\/li><\/ul><\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t <\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t <\/div>\n\t\t\t <\/section><hr class=\"before-footnotes clear\" \/><div class=\"footnotes\"><ol><li id=\"footnote-785-1\">Karl Polanyi, <em>The Great Transformation<\/em> (New York: Beacon Press, 1944). <a href=\"#return-footnote-785-1\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 1\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-785-2\">Bruce Long, \u201cReincarnation,\u201d <em>Encyclopedia of Religion<\/em> (New York: Macmillan, 1987) and William Maloney, \u201cDharma,\u201d Encyclopedia of Religion, Vol. 4 (New York: Macmillan, 1987). <a href=\"#return-footnote-785-2\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 2\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-785-3\">Ravindra Khare, <em>The Untouchable as Himself: Identity and Pragmatism among the Lucknow Chamars<\/em> (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1984). <a href=\"#return-footnote-785-3\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 3\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-785-4\">Harumi Befu, <em>Japan: An Anthropological Introduction<\/em> (San Francisco: Chandler, 1971). <a href=\"#return-footnote-785-4\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 4\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-785-5\">William Haviland, <em>Cultural Anthropology: The Human Challenge.<\/em> <a href=\"#return-footnote-785-5\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 5\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-785-6\">Wilk and Cliggett, <em>Economies and Cultures: Foundations of Economic Anthropology<\/em>, 84, 95. <a href=\"#return-footnote-785-6\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 6\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-785-7\">Josiah Heyman, \u201cPolitical Economy,\u201d in <em>Handbook of Sociocultural Anthropology, <\/em>ed. James Carrier and Deborah Gewertz (New York: Berg Publishers, 2013), 89. <a href=\"#return-footnote-785-7\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 7\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-785-8\">The historical evolution of societies and markets is explored by Eric Wolf in <em>Europe and the People without History <\/em>(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982). The legacies of social domination and marginalization are discussed by Philippe Bourgois in <em>In Search of Respect: Selling Crack in El Barrio <\/em>(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995). <a href=\"#return-footnote-785-8\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 8\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-785-9\">Karl Marx, <em>The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon, <\/em>in The Marx-Engels Reader, 2<span class=\"CharOverride-4\">nd<\/span> Edition, ed. Robert C. Tucker (New York: W. W. Norton, 1978[1852]). <a href=\"#return-footnote-785-9\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 9\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-785-10\">Rudi Colloredo-Mansfeld, \u201cConsumption: From Cultural Theory to the Ethnography of Capitalism,\u201d in <em>Handbook of Sociocultural Anthropology, <\/em>ed. James Carrier and Deborah Gewertz (New York: Berg Publishers, 2013), 319.\u00a0 <a href=\"#return-footnote-785-10\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 10\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-785-11\">\u00a0<\/span>47. Ibid.<span class=\"Endnote-reference _idGenCharOverride-1\"> <a href=\"#return-footnote-785-11\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 11\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-785-12\">Mary Douglas and Baron Isherwood, <em>A World of Goods: Toward an Anthropology of Consumption <\/em>(New York: Basic Books, 1979).\u00a0 <a href=\"#return-footnote-785-12\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 12\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-785-13\">Colloredo-Mansfeld, \u201cConsumption: From Cultural Theory to the Ethnography of Capitalism.\u201d <a href=\"#return-footnote-785-13\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 13\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-785-14\">Arjun Appadurai, <em>The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective<\/em> (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986). <a href=\"#return-footnote-785-14\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 14\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-785-15\"> David Chaney, <em>Lifestyles<\/em> (London: Routledge, 1996), 92. <a href=\"#return-footnote-785-15\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 15\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-785-16\">Chaney, <em>Lifestyles<\/em>. <a href=\"#return-footnote-785-16\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 16\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-785-17\">Ibid. <a href=\"#return-footnote-785-17\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 17\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-785-18\">Ibid., 24. <a href=\"#return-footnote-785-18\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 18\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-785-19\">Ibid., 57. <a href=\"#return-footnote-785-19\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 19\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-785-20\">Pierre Bourdieu,<em> Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste<\/em>, trans. Richard Nice (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1984). <a href=\"#return-footnote-785-20\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 20\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-785-21\"> Shamus Rahman Khan, <em>Privilege: The Making of an Adolescent Elite at St. Paul\u2019s School<\/em> (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2012). <a href=\"#return-footnote-785-21\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 21\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-785-22\">Chaney, <em>Lifestyles<\/em>, 60. <a href=\"#return-footnote-785-22\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 22\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-785-23\">Pierre Bourdieu, <em>Distinction<\/em>. <a href=\"#return-footnote-785-23\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 23\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-785-24\"><\/span>56. John Osburg, <em>Anxious Wealth: Money and Morality among China\u2019s New Rich <\/em>(Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2013).<span class=\"Endnote-reference _idGenCharOverride-1\"> <a href=\"#return-footnote-785-24\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 24\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-785-25\">Ibid., 121. <a href=\"#return-footnote-785-25\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 25\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><\/ol><\/div>","protected":false},"author":53384,"menu_order":8,"template":"","meta":{"_candela_citation":"[{\"type\":\"cc\",\"description\":\"Perspectives: An Open Invitation to Cultural Anthropology\",\"author\":\"Edited by Nina Brown, Laura Tubelle de Gonzalez, and Thomas McIlwraith\",\"organization\":\"American Anthropological Association\",\"url\":\"http:\/\/perspectives.americananthro.org\/\",\"project\":\"\",\"license\":\"cc-by-nc\",\"license_terms\":\"\"},{\"type\":\"cc\",\"description\":\"Political Anthropology: A Cross-Cultural Comparison\",\"author\":\"Paul McDowell\",\"organization\":\"Santa Barbara City College\",\"url\":\"http:\/\/perspectives.americananthro.org\/Chapters\/Political_Anthropology.pdf\",\"project\":\"\",\"license\":\"cc-by-nc\",\"license_terms\":\"\"},{\"type\":\"cc\",\"description\":\"Economics\",\"author\":\"Sarah Lyon\",\"organization\":\"University of Kentucky\",\"url\":\"http:\/\/perspectives.americananthro.org\/Chapters\/Economics.pdf\",\"project\":\"\",\"license\":\"cc-by-nc\",\"license_terms\":\"\"},{\"type\":\"cc\",\"description\":\"Policing Poverty: An Analysis Revisited. 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