{"id":91,"date":"2017-12-06T16:34:05","date_gmt":"2017-12-06T16:34:05","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/suny-culturalanthropology\/chapter\/language\/"},"modified":"2019-11-06T15:34:20","modified_gmt":"2019-11-06T15:34:20","slug":"language","status":"publish","type":"chapter","link":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/suny-geneseo-culturalanthropology\/chapter\/language\/","title":{"raw":"Sex, Gender and Sexuality","rendered":"Sex, Gender and Sexuality"},"content":{"raw":"<div id=\"_idContainer126\" class=\"_idGenObjectStyleOverride-2\">\r\n<div class=\"textbox learning-objectives\">\r\n<h3>Learning Objectives<\/h3>\r\n<ul>\r\n \t<li>Define and explain the difference between sex, gender, and sexuality.<\/li>\r\n \t<li>Explain the way that sex and gender are sociocultural constructions.<\/li>\r\n \t<li>Give examples of how gender is constructed in different cultures.<\/li>\r\n<\/ul>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<h2><strong>WHAT IS SEX AND GENDER? <em>by\u00a0<\/em><\/strong><em>Deborah Amory,\u00a0<\/em><em>Carol C. Mukhopadhyay and Tami Blumenfield<\/em><\/h2>\r\nIn this chapter, we will explore the meanings and experience of sex and gender from a global perspective. Let\u2019s start by asking ourselves a basic question: why learn about sex and gender globally? \u00a0Don\u2019t we all know what it means to be a man or a woman? \u00a0While the answer to that question may seem obvious to some people (\u201cOf course I know what that means!\u201d), the fascinating thing is that when we learn about gender cross-culturally, we discover that these are very complicated concepts. \u00a0In fact, ideas about gender differ tremendously between different cultures.\u00a0In general discussions in the United States today, people will often use the terms \u201csex\u201d and \u201cgender\u201d interchangeably. \u00a0This is incorrect, and leads to a lot of confusion. So first, we will spend some time defining these concepts, and related ones \u2014<span style=\"color: #ff0000\"><span style=\"color: #000000\"> like gender ideologies and gender roles \u2014 so that we have a very clear understanding of the terms we will be using.<\/span><\/span>\r\n<h3><strong>SEX<\/strong><\/h3>\r\n<strong>Sex<\/strong> is generally understood in our society as the biological components (or biological package) that marks people as either male or female. \u00a0For example, ultrasounds are often used to provide an educated guess at the sex of a baby before it is even born. Chromosomes provide more definitive evidence, as fetuses or infants will typically exhibit an XX (female) or XY (male) chromosomal combination.\u00a0However, scholars have moved away from labeling people \u201cbiologically female\u201d or \u201cbiologically male,\u201d shifting instead to terms like \u201cassigned female at birth\u201d and \u201cassigned male at birth.\u201d Terms that foreground assignment help recognize the fluidity of sex characteristics, and <a href=\"https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2018\/10\/25\/opinion\/sex-biology-binary.html?auth=login-email&amp;fbclid=IwAR3WZKDD3CcbfFrkrAeAMhooGOZ8JIZR8qQoi3p-BMpNIWNdedZKmzjBVqQ&amp;login=email\">the fact that sex is not binary<\/a>. For example, there are\u00a0<strong>intersex<\/strong> people who do not fit neatly into the male\/female categories, because\u00a0there are more genetic combinations possible than simply XX or XY, and sometimes genitals are not clearly defined at birth.\u00a0 Intersex individuals may display ambiguous genitalia, or possess a different chromosomal combination, such as XXY.\r\n\r\nResearch has shown that intersex people are surprisingly common. Martha Ward and Monica Edelstein estimate that such intersex individuals constitute five percent of human births.[footnote]Janet S. Hyde and John D. DeLamater, <em>Understanding Human Sexuality<\/em>, 99; Martha Ward and Monica Edelstein, <em>A World Full of Women<\/em>.[\/footnote] So what are cultures to do when faced with an infant or child who cannot easily be assigned a sex?\u201d Some cultures, including the United States, used to force children into one of the two binary categories, even if it required surgery or hormone therapy. But in other places, such as India and among the Isthmus Zapotec in southern Oaxaca, Mexico, the existence of intersex people lead to the creation of a third sex and corresponding non-binary gender category, which we will discuss later in this chapter.\u00a0 [footnote]Beverly Chinas, personal communication with Mukhopadhyay. See also her writings on Isthmus Zapotec women such as: Beverly Chinas, <em>The Isthmus Zapotecs: A Matrifocal Culture of Mexico<\/em> (New York: Harcourt Brace College Publishers 1997). For a film on this culture, see Maureen Gosling and Ellen Osborne, <em>Blossoms of Fire<\/em>, Film (San Francisco: Film Arts Foundation, 2001).[\/footnote]\r\n<div class=\"textbox examples\">\r\n<h3>Watch: Me, My Sex, and i<\/h3>\r\nhttps:\/\/youtu.be\/_TKgoRtcEo0\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<h3><strong>GENDER<\/strong><\/h3>\r\n<span style=\"color: #993300\"><strong>Gender <\/strong>is the cultural and behavioral characteristics associated with a person\u2019s sex, although not always corresponding to one\u2019s sex.\u00a0<\/span><strong> Gender<\/strong>\u00a0<strong>identity<\/strong> is your psychological knowledge of your gender, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2018\/10\/22\/health\/transgender-trump-biology.html?fbclid=IwAR1cQMXkOrDnMsJahdUdnuMa3ffHP-DOXw371qbiwCEk-n72IlfF8xd1a5o\">regardless of your biology<\/a>, although assumptions are often made about person's gender identity based on biological characteristics. Gender is\u00a0 a cultural construction, which means that the ways of being, doing, and performing one\u2019s gender identity is shaped by a particular culture.\u00a0Think about how we begin to learn ideas about gender the moment a little blue or pink hat is placed on our head after birth.\u00a0 We learn the \u201ccorrect\u201d and \u201cnormal\u201d ways to behave based on the category we are assigned to (\u201cboy\u201d or \u201cgirl\u201d), and then the toys we are given, the advertisements we see, the jobs we occupy, etc.\u00a0One powerful aspect of culture, and a reason cultural norms like gender feel so natural, is that we learn culture the way we learn our native language: without formal instruction, in social contexts, picking it up from others around us, without thinking, in other words through\u00a0<strong>enculturation<\/strong>. We learn very early (by at least age three) about the categories of gender in our culture\u2014that individuals are either \u201cboys\u201d or \u201cgirls\u201d and that elaborate beliefs, behaviors, and meanings are associated with each gender. We can think of this complex set of ideas as a <strong>gender ideologies.\u00a0<\/strong>All societies have gender ideologies, just as they have belief systems about other significant areas of life, such as race, ethnicity and class. Gender is shaped by a particular culture and society through a range of practices and ideas. Laws, religion, and educational systems all play a key role in shaping how we understand what it means to be a cisgender man or cisgender woman. Whereas a\u00a0<strong>cisgender<\/strong> person is someone whose sex assigned at birth corresponds with their gender identity (male\/man, female\/woman), a <strong>transgender<\/strong> person is someone whose assigned sex does not correspond with their gender identity. Sometimes, although not always, a transgender person will identify as a trans man (a man who was assigned the sex of female at birth) or trans woman (a woman who was assigned the sex of male at birth).\r\n<div class=\"textbox examples\">\r\n<h3>Watch<\/h3>\r\nhttps:\/\/www.ted.com\/talks\/geena_rocero_why_i_must_come_out?referrer=playlist-check_your_assumptions\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<strong>Gender roles<\/strong>\u00a0are the anticipated cultural and social roles resulting from a society\u2019s gender ideologies. These refer to dominant expectations about \u201cproper\u201d behavior, including work. For example, consider this statement: \u201cA woman\u2019s place is in the home.\u201d What does that mean? Historically in the U.S., it has meant that \u201ca woman\u2019s place\u201d was thought to be in their suburban home, caring for the kids, while a man\u2019s role was to serve as the \u201cbreadwinner\u201d for his family. You will note, however, that these gender roles were only really available to certain men and certain women, at particular points in historical time. For example, after slavery, African American women often still had to work taking care of other women\u2019s children; immigrant women, throughout U.S. history, have also typically worked outside the home. For much of American history prior to the 1970s, it was mostly white, Anglo-European American men who held jobs that paid well enough for them to be the sole \u201cbreadwinner\u201d of their family, and for their wives to stay at home. The point here is that we want to question our beliefs, and the various ideologies that inform them, as we learn about sex and gender from a historical, global perspective. As we shall see, things change \u2014 often rapidly \u2014 through time, and across cultures.\r\n<h2>THE GENDER BINARY &amp; BEYOND\u00a0<em>by\u00a0Carol C. Mukhopadhyay and Tami Blumenfield<\/em><\/h2>\r\nOne common assumption is that all cultures divide human beings into two and only two genders, a <strong>binary<\/strong> or dualistic model of gender. However, in some cultures gender is more fluid and flexible, allowing individuals assigned one biological sex to assume another gender, or creating more than two genders from which individuals can select. <a href=\"https:\/\/dailyplug.com\/before-european-christians-forced-gender-roles-native-americans-acknowledged-5-genders\/?fbclid=IwAR2Y2KOrldp6_9ptjQ7-cddrHDqA6KCBoY_bIp722Eyli4tyamj7RKDxc7I\">Examples of non-binary cultures come from Native America.<\/a> Anthropologists such as Ruth Benedict long ago identified a fairly widespread phenomenon of so-called <strong>\u201ctwo-spirit\u201d people<\/strong>, individuals who did not comfortably conform to the gender roles and gender ideology normally associated with their biological sex. Historically, among the pre-contact Zuni Pueblo in New Mexico, which was a relatively gender-egalitarian horticultural society, for example, individuals could choose an alternative role of \u201cnot-men\u201d or \u201cnot-women.\u201d A two-spirited Zuni man would do the work and wear clothing normally associated with women, having shown a preference for women-identified activities and symbols at an early age. In some, but not all cases, he would eventually marry a man. Most significantly, these alternative gender roles were acceptable, publicly recognized, and sometimes venerated.[footnote]Information about alternative gender roles in pre-contact Native American communities can be found in Martha Ward and Monica Edelstein, <em>A World Full of Women<\/em> (Boston: Pearson, 2013). Also, see the 2011 PBS Independent Lens film <em>Two Spirits<\/em> for an account of the role of two-spirit ideology in Navajo communities, including the story of a Navajo teenager who was the victim of a hate crime because of his two-spirit identity[\/footnote]\r\n<div class=\"textbox exercises\">\r\n<h3>LISTEN:<\/h3>\r\n<a href=\"https:\/\/www.npr.org\/2019\/01\/26\/687957536\/lgbt-navajos-discover-unexpected-champions-their-grandparents?fbclid=IwAR0pp5Npv50s7TXYQ0kb8GQDdnFrYv5zu5AQRVaB76W5axZs46Wsf0Kn1TA\">LGBT Navajos Discover Unexpected Champions: Their Grandparents<\/a><\/div>\r\nAnother well-known example of a non-binary gender system is found among the <strong>Hijra<\/strong> in India. Often called a <strong>third gender<\/strong>, these individuals are usually biologically male but adopt women's clothing, gestures, and names; eschew sexual desire and sexual activity; and go through religious rituals that give them certain divine powers, including blessing or cursing couples\u2019 fertility and performing at weddings and births. Hijra may undergo voluntary surgical removal of genitals through a <em>nirvan<\/em> or rebirth operation. Some hijra are males born with ambiguous external genitals, such as a particularly small penis or testicles that did not fully descend.[footnote]Serena Nanda, <em>Neither Man nor Woman: the Hijras of India<\/em> (Boston, MA: Cengage, 1999); Serena Nanda, <em>Gender Diversity: Cross-cultural Variations<\/em> (Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland 2000); and Gayatri Reddy and Serena Nanda, \u201cHijras: An \u201cAlternative\u201d Sex\/Gender in India,\u201d in <em>Gender in Cross-Cultural Perspective<\/em>, ed. C. Brettell and C. Sargent, 278\u2013285 (Upper Saddle River New Jersey: Pearson, 2005).[\/footnote]\u00a0Historically, as Europe colonized most of the world, Anglo-European gender systems were imposed on native peoples and local, indigenous categories for both sex and gender were either stigmatized or abolished.\r\n\r\n<span style=\"color: #993300\">In the United States and around the world, there are a growing number of people identifying as having a <strong>non-binary gender identity<\/strong>. These individuals may experience a gender identity that is neither exclusively that of a man or woman, or is in between or beyond both genders. Other terms used by non-binary individuals include gender fluid, agender (without gender), third gender, or something else entirely. Often, although not always, non-binary individuals will use the pronouns they, them and theirs instead of him\/his\/his and she\/her\/hers to refer to themselves and have people refer to them. This also reflects how language and communication changes with culture.<\/span>\r\n<div class=\"textbox examples\">\r\n<h3 style=\"text-align: center\">WATCH:\u00a0Moving Beyond the Binary of Sex and Gender with Ugla Stefan\u00eda<\/h3>\r\nhttps:\/\/youtu.be\/2NHV4Az-EzY\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<h2>GENDER PERFORMANCE\u00a0<em>by\u00a0Lauren Miller Griffith<\/em><\/h2>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Gender theorist Judith Butler\u2019s term \u201c<strong>gender performativity<\/strong>\u201d references the idea that gender as a social construct is created through individual performances of gender identity. Butler\u2019s key point is that an act is seen as gendered through ongoing, stylized repetitions.[footnote]Judith Butler, <em>Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity<\/em> (New York: Routledge, 1990); Judith Butler, <em>Bodies That Matter: On the Discursive Limits of \u201cSex\u201d<\/em> (New York: Routledge, 1993).[\/footnote] In other words, while we all make specific choices\u2014such as how to dress for a date\u2014people doing things in patterned ways over time results in certain versions being typified as \u201cmasculine\u201d or \u201cfeminine.\u201d Phrases such as \u201cact <em>like<\/em> a man\u201d or \u201cthrow <em>like<\/em> a girl\u201d are good examples. Socially, we define certain types of behavior as typical of men and women and culturally code that behavior as a gendered representation. Thus, specific individuals are seen as doing things in a particularly (or stereotypically) masculine or feminine way. How do you know how \u201cmen\u201d and \u201cwomen\u201d are supposed to behave? What makes one way of sitting, standing, or talking a \u201cfeminine\u201d one and another a \u201cmasculine\u201d one? The answer is that definitions of masculine and feminine vary within cultures and societies, but in every case, how people commonly do things constitutes gender in everyday life.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">In many ways, the notion that gender is created and replicated through patterned behavior is an expansion of the classic idea that the very movements of our bodies are culturally learned and performed.[footnote]Marcel Mauss, \u201cTechniques of the Body\u201d <em>Economy and Society<\/em> 2:1 (1973): 70\u201389.[\/footnote] Walking and swimming may seem to be natural body movements, but those movements differ in individual cultures and one must learn to walk or swim according to the norms of the culture. We also learn to perform gender. In Western contexts, for instance, athletic prowess is typically coded as masculine. But as Iris Marion Young noted, it is impossible to throw <em>like <\/em>a girl without learning what that means.[footnote]Iris Marion Young, \u201cThrowing Like a Girl: A Phenomenology of Feminine Body Comportment Motility and Spatiality\u201d <em>Human Studies<\/em> 3:2 (1980): 137\u2013156.[\/footnote] The phrase is not meant to refer to the skills of pitcher Mo\u2019ne Davis who, at thirteen years old, became the first female Little League player to appear on the cover of <a href=\"http:\/\/www.si.com\/more-sports\/photos\/2014\/06\/18\/si-covers-2014\/42\"><span class=\"Hyperlink CharOverride-1\">Sports Illustrated<\/span><span class=\"Hyperlink\"> in August 2014<\/span><\/a>.[footnote]<em>Sports Illustrated<\/em> August 25 (2014), Cover.[\/footnote] Young\u2019s point, by extension, is twofold: 1) \u201cgirls\u201d only throw differently from \u201cboys\u201d insofar as they are taught to throw differently; and 2) what counts as throwing like a girl or a boy is a learned evaluation. Taking the idea a step further, several scholars looked at performance of gender in a variety of sports, including women\u2019s bodybuilding, figure skating, and competitive ballroom dancing. In each case, some aspect of femininity is over-performed through blatant makeup and costuming to compensate for the overt physicality of the sport, which is at odds with stereotypical views of femininity.[footnote]Several authors have discussed the relationship between femininity and sport. On bodybuilding, see Anne Bolin, \u201cMuscularity and Femininity: Women Bodybuilders and Women\u2019s Bodies in Culturo-Historical Context,\u201d in <em>Fitness as Cultural Phenomenon<\/em>, ed. Karina A.\u00a0E.\u00a0Volkwein (New York: Waxmann M\u00fcnster, 1998). On figure skating, see Abigail M. Feder-Kane, \u201cA Radiant Smile from the Lovely Lady,\u201d in <em>Reading Sport: Critical Essays on Power and Presentation<\/em>, ed. Susan Birell and Mary G. McDonald (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 2000). On ballroom, see Jonathan S. Marion, <em>Ballroom: Culture and Costume in Competitive Dance<\/em> (Oxford: Berg, 2008) and Ballroom Dance and Glamour (London: Bloomsbury, 2014). See also Lisa Disch and Mary Jo Kane, \u201cWhen a Looker Is Really a Bitch: Lisa Olson, Sport, and the Heterosexual Matrix,\u201d in <em>Reading Sport: Critical Essays on Power and Presentation<\/em>, ed. Susan Birell and Mary G. McDonald (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 2000).[\/footnote]<\/p>\r\n\r\n<h2 class=\"H2\">LANGUAGE &amp; GENDER<\/h2>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">In any culture that has differences in gender role expectations\u2014and all cultures do\u2014there are differences in how people talk based on their gender identity. These differences have nothing to do with biology.\u00a0In the United States, men are generally expected to speak in a low, rather monotone pitch; it is seen as masculine. If they do not sound sufficiently masculine, American men are likely to be negatively labeled as effeminate. Women, on the other hand, are freer to use their entire pitch range, which they often do when expressing emotion, especially excitement. When a woman is a television news announcer, she will modulate the pitch of her voice to a sound more typical of a man in order to be perceived as more credible. Women tend to use <b>minimal responses<\/b> in a conversation more than men. These are the vocal indications that one is listening to a speaker, such as<em><span class=\"CharOverride-4\">m-hm, yeah, I see, wow,\u00a0<\/span><\/em>and so forth. They tend to face their conversation partners more and use more eye contact than men. This is one reason women often complain that men do not listen to them.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Deborah Tannen, a professor of linguistics at Georgetown University in Washington, D.C., has done research for many years on language and gender. Her basic finding is that in conversation women tend to use styles that are relatively cooperative, to emphasize an equal relationship, while men seem to talk in a more competitive way in order to establish their positions in a hierarchy. She emphasizes that both men and women may be cooperative and competitive in different ways.<span class=\"Endnote-reference _idGenCharOverride-1\" style=\"background-color: #ffffff\">[footnote]For more information see Deborah Tannen, <em>Gender and Discourse<\/em> (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1996). Or, Deborah Tannen, <em>You Just Don\u2019t Understand: Women and Men in Conversation<\/em> (New York: Harper Collins, 2010).[\/footnote]\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">Other societies have very different standards for gendered speech styles. In Madagascar, men use a very flowery style of talk, using proverbs, metaphors and riddles to indirectly make a point and to avoid direct confrontation. The women on the other hand speak bluntly and say directly what is on their minds. Both admire men\u2019s speech and think of women\u2019s speech as inferior. When a man wants to convey a negative message to someone, he will ask his wife to do it for him. In addition, women control the marketplaces where tourists bargain for prices because it is impossible to bargain with a man who will not speak directly. It is for this reason that Malagasy women are relatively independent economically.<\/p>\r\n<p class=\"Normal\">In Japan, women were traditionally expected to be subservient to men and speak using a \u201cfeminine\u201d style, appropriate for their position as wife and mother, but the Japanese culture has been changing in recent decades so more and more women are joining the work force and achieving positions of relative power. Such women must find ways of speaking to maintain their feminine identities and at the same time express their authority in interactions with men, a challenging balancing act. Women in the United States do as well, to a certain extent. Even Margaret Thatcher, prime minister of England, took speech therapy lessons to \u201cfeminize\u201d her language use while maintaining an expression of authority.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<h2>SEXUALITY\u00a0<strong><em>by\u00a0<\/em><\/strong><em>Deborah Amory<\/em><\/h2>\r\n<strong>Sexuality<\/strong> refers to \u201cwhat we find erotic and how we take pleasure in our bodies\u201d (Styrker 2008, p. 33). \u00a0Sexuality and sexual practices vary across time and space, and so must be considered socially constructed. \u00a0<strong>Sexual orientation<\/strong> refers to the ways in which we seek out erotic pleasure, or how our sexuality is \u201coriented\u201d towards particular types of people. In other words, are sexual orientation is who we are attracted to at any given moment in time. Sexual orientation is not fixed, but can change.\u00a0Gilbert Herdt\u2019s work among the Sambia in Papua New Guinea counters the idea of sexual orientation as fixed (e.g., heterosexual, bisexual, gay) and provides a counter-example in which personal sexuality varies for boys and men by stage of life.[footnote]Gilbert Herdt, <em>The Sambia: Ritual, Sexuality, and Change in Papua New Guinea<\/em> (New York: Cengage, 2005).[\/footnote]\r\n<h3>Heteronormativity and Sexuality in the United States\u00a0<em>by\u00a0Carol C. Mukhopadhyay and Tami Blumenfield<\/em><\/h3>\r\n<strong>Heteronormativity<\/strong> is a term coined by French philosopher Michel Foucault to refer to the often-unnoticed system of rights and privileges that accompany normative sexual choices and family formation. For example, a \u201cbiologically female\u201d woman attracted to a \u201cbiologically male\u201d man who pursued that attraction and formed a relationship with that man would be following a heteronormative pattern in the United States. If she married him, she would be continuing to follow societal expectations related to gender and sexuality.\r\n\r\nDespite pervasive messages reinforcing heteronormative social relations, people find other ways to satisfy their sexual desires and organize their families.\u00a0Labels have changed rapidly in the United States during the twenty-first century as a wider range of sexual orientations has been openly acknowledged, accompanied by a shift in our binary view of sexuality. Rather than thinking of individuals as either straight OR gay, scholars and activists now recognize a <em>spectrum<\/em> of sexual orientations. Given the U.S. focus on identity, it is not surprising that a range of new personhood categories, such as bisexual, polisexual, pansexual, queer, questioning, lesbian, and gay have emerged to reflect a more-fluid, shifting, expansive, and ambiguous conception of sexuality, sexual orientation and sexual identity.\r\n<h3>Sexuality Outside the United States\u00a0<em>by\u00a0Carol C. Mukhopadhyay and Tami Blumenfield<\/em><\/h3>\r\nSame-sex sexual and romantic relationships probably exist in every society, but concepts like \u201cgay,\u201d \u201clesbian,\u201d and \u201cbisexual\u201d are cultural products that, in many ways, reflect a culturally specific gender ideology and a set of beliefs about how sexual preferences develop. In many cultures same-sex sex is a behavior, not an identity. Some individuals in India identify as practicing \u201cfemale-female sexuality\u201d or \u201cmale-male sexuality.\u201d Whether one is \u201cgay\u201d or \u201cstraight\u201d may not be linked simply to engaging in same-sex sexual behavior. Instead, as among some Brazilian males, your sexual identity and status in a sexual relationship, literally and symbolically, depends on whether you are the inserter (<em>macho<\/em>) or the penetrated (<em>fem<\/em>).[footnote]Don Kulick, \u201cThe Gender of Brazilian Transgendered Prostitutes\u201d <em>American Anthropologist<\/em> 99 no. 3 (1997): 574\u2013585.[\/footnote] Which would you expect involves higher status?\r\n\r\nEven anthropologists who are sensitive to cross-cultural variations in the terms and understandings that accompany same-sex sexual and romantic relationships can still unconsciously project their own meanings onto other cultures. Evelyn Blackwood, an American, described how surprised she was to realize that her Sumatran lover, who called herself a \u201cTombois,\u201d had a different conception of what constituted a \u201clesbian\u201d identity and lesbian relationship than she did.[footnote]Evelyn Blackwood, \u201cTombois in West Sumatra: Constructing Masculinity and Erotic Desire,\u201d in Feminist Anthropology: A Reader, ed. Ellen Lewin, 411\u2013434 (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2006).[\/footnote] We must be careful not to assume that other cultures share LGBTQQIA+ identities as they are understood in the United States and many European countries.\r\n\r\nFurthermore, each country has its own approach to sexuality and marriage, and reproduction often plays a central role. In Israel, an embrace of pro-natalist policies for Jewish Israelis has meant that expensive reproductive technologies such as in\u00a0vitro fertilization are provided to women at no cost or are heavily subsidized. An Israeli gay activist described how surprised queer activists from other countries were when they found that nearly all Israeli female same-sex couples were raising children. (This embrace of same-sex parenting did not extend to male couples, for whom the state did not provide assisted reproductive support.) The pro-natalist policies can be traced in part to Israel\u2019s emergence as a state: founded in the aftermath of persecution and systematic genocide of Jewish residents of Europe from 1937 through 1945, Israel initially promoted policies that encouraged births at least in part as resistance to Nazi attempts to destroy the Jewish people. The contexts may be less dramatic elsewhere, but local and national histories often inform policies and practices.\r\n\r\nIn Thailand, Ara Wilson has explored how biological females embrace identities as <em>toms<\/em> and <em>dees<\/em>. Although these terms seem to be derived from English-language concepts (<em>dees<\/em> is etymologically related to \u201cladies\u201d), suggesting international influences, the ubiquity and acceptance of toms and dees in Thailand does diverge from patterns in the United States.[footnote]Ara Wilson, <em>The Intimate Economies of Bangkok: Tomboys, Tycoons, and Avon Ladies in the Global City<\/em> (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004).[\/footnote] In China (as elsewhere), the experiences of those involved in male-male sexuality and those involved in female-female sexuality can differ. In her book <em>Shanghai Lalas: Female Tongzhi Communities and Politics in Urban China<\/em>, Lucetta Yip Lo Kam discusses how lesbians in China note their lack of public social spaces compared with gay men.[footnote]Lucetta Yip Lo Kam, <em>Shanghai Lalas: Female Tongzhi Communities and Politics in Urban China<\/em>. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2012).[\/footnote]\r\n\r\nFrom these examples, we see that approaches to sexuality in different parts of the world are transforming, just as gender norms in the United States are undergoing tremendous shifts. Anthropologists often cross boundaries to research these changes, and their contributions will continue to shape understandings of the broad range of approaches to sexuality.\r\n<h2>LGBTQQIA+ IDENTITIES &amp; ACTIVISM\u00a0<em>by\u00a0Carol C. Mukhopadhyay and Tami Blumenfield<\/em><\/h2>\r\nBy 2011, an estimated 8.7 million people in the United States identified as lesbian, gay, bisexual, and\/or transgender.[footnote]Gary G. Gates, \u201cHow Many People are Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender?\u201d University of California, Los Angeles: Williams Institute, 2011. <a href=\"http:\/\/williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu\/research\/census-lgbt-demographics-studies\/how-many-people-are-lesbian-gay-bisexual-and-transgender.\/\">http:\/\/williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu\/research\/census-lgbt-demographics-studies\/how-many-people-are-lesbian-gay-bisexual-and-transgender.\/<\/a>[\/footnote] These communities represent a vibrant, growing, and increasingly politically and economically powerful segment of the population. While people who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, questioning, intersex, and\/or asexual\u2014or any of a number of other sexual and gender minorities\u2014have existed throughout the United States\u2019 history, it is only since the Stonewall uprisings of 1969 that the modern LGBTQQIA+ movement has been a key force in U.S. society.[footnote]David Carter, <em>Stonewall: The Riots that Sparked a Gay Revolution<\/em> (St. Martin\u2019s Griffin, 2010); Eric Marcus, <em>Making Gay History: The Half-Century Fight for Lesbian and Gay Equal Rights<\/em> (New York: Harper Collins, 2002).[\/footnote]\r\n\r\nLike the U.S. population overall, the LGBTQQIA+ community is extremely diverse. Some black Americans prefer the term \u201csame-gender loving\u201d because the other terms are seen as developed by and for \u201cwhite people.\u201d Emphasizing the importance and power of words, Jafari Sinclaire Allen explains that \u201csame-gender loving\u201d was \u201ccoined by the black queer activist Cleo Manago [around 1995] to mark a distinction between \u2018gay\u2019 and \u2018lesbian\u2019 culture and identification, and black men and women who have sex with members of the same sex.\u201d[footnote]Jafari Sinclaire Allen, \u201c\u2018In the Life\u2019 In Diaspora: Autonomy \/ Desire \/ Community,\u201d in <em>Routledge Handbook of Sexuality, Health and Rights<\/em>, ed. Peter Aggleton and Richard Parker (New York: Routledge, 2010), 459.[\/footnote] While scholars continue to use the terms gay, lesbian, and queer, \u201csame-gender loving\u201d resonates in some communities.\r\n\r\nNot everyone who might fit one of the LGBTQQIA+ designations consciously identifies with a group defined by gender or sexual orientation. Some people highlight their other identities, such as their ethnicity, religion, profession, or hobby\u2014whatever they consider central and important in their lives, rather than their gender identity or sexual orientation.\u00a0This freedom to self-identify or avoid categories altogether is important. Most of all, these shifts and debates demonstrate that, like the terms themselves, LGBTQQIA+ communities in the United States are diverse and dynamic with often-changing priorities and makeup.\u00a0Some scholars argue that heteronormativity allows people who self-identify as heterosexual the luxury of not being defined by their sexual orientation, and therefore\u00a0LGBTQQIA+ people should not have to do so. [footnote]Kristen Schilt and Laurel Westbrook, \u201cDoing Gender, Doing Heteronormativity: \u2018Gender Normals,\u2019 Transgender People, and the Social Maintenance of Heterosexuality\u201d <em>Gender and Society<\/em> 23 no. 4 (2009): 440\u2013464[\/footnote] Only when labels are universal rather than used only for non-normative groups, they argue, will people become aware of discrimination based on differences in sexual preference.\r\n\r\n<\/div>","rendered":"<div id=\"_idContainer126\" class=\"_idGenObjectStyleOverride-2\">\n<div class=\"textbox learning-objectives\">\n<h3>Learning Objectives<\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Define and explain the difference between sex, gender, and sexuality.<\/li>\n<li>Explain the way that sex and gender are sociocultural constructions.<\/li>\n<li>Give examples of how gender is constructed in different cultures.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div>\n<h2><strong>WHAT IS SEX AND GENDER? <em>by\u00a0<\/em><\/strong><em>Deborah Amory,\u00a0<\/em><em>Carol C. Mukhopadhyay and Tami Blumenfield<\/em><\/h2>\n<p>In this chapter, we will explore the meanings and experience of sex and gender from a global perspective. Let\u2019s start by asking ourselves a basic question: why learn about sex and gender globally? \u00a0Don\u2019t we all know what it means to be a man or a woman? \u00a0While the answer to that question may seem obvious to some people (\u201cOf course I know what that means!\u201d), the fascinating thing is that when we learn about gender cross-culturally, we discover that these are very complicated concepts. \u00a0In fact, ideas about gender differ tremendously between different cultures.\u00a0In general discussions in the United States today, people will often use the terms \u201csex\u201d and \u201cgender\u201d interchangeably. \u00a0This is incorrect, and leads to a lot of confusion. So first, we will spend some time defining these concepts, and related ones \u2014<span style=\"color: #ff0000\"><span style=\"color: #000000\"> like gender ideologies and gender roles \u2014 so that we have a very clear understanding of the terms we will be using.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<h3><strong>SEX<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p><strong>Sex<\/strong> is generally understood in our society as the biological components (or biological package) that marks people as either male or female. \u00a0For example, ultrasounds are often used to provide an educated guess at the sex of a baby before it is even born. Chromosomes provide more definitive evidence, as fetuses or infants will typically exhibit an XX (female) or XY (male) chromosomal combination.\u00a0However, scholars have moved away from labeling people \u201cbiologically female\u201d or \u201cbiologically male,\u201d shifting instead to terms like \u201cassigned female at birth\u201d and \u201cassigned male at birth.\u201d Terms that foreground assignment help recognize the fluidity of sex characteristics, and <a href=\"https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2018\/10\/25\/opinion\/sex-biology-binary.html?auth=login-email&amp;fbclid=IwAR3WZKDD3CcbfFrkrAeAMhooGOZ8JIZR8qQoi3p-BMpNIWNdedZKmzjBVqQ&amp;login=email\">the fact that sex is not binary<\/a>. For example, there are\u00a0<strong>intersex<\/strong> people who do not fit neatly into the male\/female categories, because\u00a0there are more genetic combinations possible than simply XX or XY, and sometimes genitals are not clearly defined at birth.\u00a0 Intersex individuals may display ambiguous genitalia, or possess a different chromosomal combination, such as XXY.<\/p>\n<p>Research has shown that intersex people are surprisingly common. Martha Ward and Monica Edelstein estimate that such intersex individuals constitute five percent of human births.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Janet S. Hyde and John D. DeLamater, Understanding Human Sexuality, 99; Martha Ward and Monica Edelstein, A World Full of Women.\" id=\"return-footnote-91-1\" href=\"#footnote-91-1\" aria-label=\"Footnote 1\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[1]<\/sup><\/a> So what are cultures to do when faced with an infant or child who cannot easily be assigned a sex?\u201d Some cultures, including the United States, used to force children into one of the two binary categories, even if it required surgery or hormone therapy. But in other places, such as India and among the Isthmus Zapotec in southern Oaxaca, Mexico, the existence of intersex people lead to the creation of a third sex and corresponding non-binary gender category, which we will discuss later in this chapter.\u00a0 <a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Beverly Chinas, personal communication with Mukhopadhyay. See also her writings on Isthmus Zapotec women such as: Beverly Chinas, The Isthmus Zapotecs: A Matrifocal Culture of Mexico (New York: Harcourt Brace College Publishers 1997). For a film on this culture, see Maureen Gosling and Ellen Osborne, Blossoms of Fire, Film (San Francisco: Film Arts Foundation, 2001).\" id=\"return-footnote-91-2\" href=\"#footnote-91-2\" aria-label=\"Footnote 2\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[2]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<div class=\"textbox examples\">\n<h3>Watch: Me, My Sex, and i<\/h3>\n<p>https:\/\/youtu.be\/_TKgoRtcEo0<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<h3><strong>GENDER<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p><span style=\"color: #993300\"><strong>Gender <\/strong>is the cultural and behavioral characteristics associated with a person\u2019s sex, although not always corresponding to one\u2019s sex.\u00a0<\/span><strong> Gender<\/strong>\u00a0<strong>identity<\/strong> is your psychological knowledge of your gender, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2018\/10\/22\/health\/transgender-trump-biology.html?fbclid=IwAR1cQMXkOrDnMsJahdUdnuMa3ffHP-DOXw371qbiwCEk-n72IlfF8xd1a5o\">regardless of your biology<\/a>, although assumptions are often made about person&#8217;s gender identity based on biological characteristics. Gender is\u00a0 a cultural construction, which means that the ways of being, doing, and performing one\u2019s gender identity is shaped by a particular culture.\u00a0Think about how we begin to learn ideas about gender the moment a little blue or pink hat is placed on our head after birth.\u00a0 We learn the \u201ccorrect\u201d and \u201cnormal\u201d ways to behave based on the category we are assigned to (\u201cboy\u201d or \u201cgirl\u201d), and then the toys we are given, the advertisements we see, the jobs we occupy, etc.\u00a0One powerful aspect of culture, and a reason cultural norms like gender feel so natural, is that we learn culture the way we learn our native language: without formal instruction, in social contexts, picking it up from others around us, without thinking, in other words through\u00a0<strong>enculturation<\/strong>. We learn very early (by at least age three) about the categories of gender in our culture\u2014that individuals are either \u201cboys\u201d or \u201cgirls\u201d and that elaborate beliefs, behaviors, and meanings are associated with each gender. We can think of this complex set of ideas as a <strong>gender ideologies.\u00a0<\/strong>All societies have gender ideologies, just as they have belief systems about other significant areas of life, such as race, ethnicity and class. Gender is shaped by a particular culture and society through a range of practices and ideas. Laws, religion, and educational systems all play a key role in shaping how we understand what it means to be a cisgender man or cisgender woman. Whereas a\u00a0<strong>cisgender<\/strong> person is someone whose sex assigned at birth corresponds with their gender identity (male\/man, female\/woman), a <strong>transgender<\/strong> person is someone whose assigned sex does not correspond with their gender identity. Sometimes, although not always, a transgender person will identify as a trans man (a man who was assigned the sex of female at birth) or trans woman (a woman who was assigned the sex of male at birth).<\/p>\n<div class=\"textbox examples\">\n<h3>Watch<\/h3>\n<p><iframe loading=\"lazy\" id=\"oembed-1\" title=\"Geena Rocero: Why I must come out\" src=\"https:\/\/embed.ted.com\/talks\/geena_rocero_why_i_must_come_out\" width=\"500\" height=\"282\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\"><\/iframe><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<p><strong>Gender roles<\/strong>\u00a0are the anticipated cultural and social roles resulting from a society\u2019s gender ideologies. These refer to dominant expectations about \u201cproper\u201d behavior, including work. For example, consider this statement: \u201cA woman\u2019s place is in the home.\u201d What does that mean? Historically in the U.S., it has meant that \u201ca woman\u2019s place\u201d was thought to be in their suburban home, caring for the kids, while a man\u2019s role was to serve as the \u201cbreadwinner\u201d for his family. You will note, however, that these gender roles were only really available to certain men and certain women, at particular points in historical time. For example, after slavery, African American women often still had to work taking care of other women\u2019s children; immigrant women, throughout U.S. history, have also typically worked outside the home. For much of American history prior to the 1970s, it was mostly white, Anglo-European American men who held jobs that paid well enough for them to be the sole \u201cbreadwinner\u201d of their family, and for their wives to stay at home. The point here is that we want to question our beliefs, and the various ideologies that inform them, as we learn about sex and gender from a historical, global perspective. As we shall see, things change \u2014 often rapidly \u2014 through time, and across cultures.<\/p>\n<h2>THE GENDER BINARY &amp; BEYOND\u00a0<em>by\u00a0Carol C. Mukhopadhyay and Tami Blumenfield<\/em><\/h2>\n<p>One common assumption is that all cultures divide human beings into two and only two genders, a <strong>binary<\/strong> or dualistic model of gender. However, in some cultures gender is more fluid and flexible, allowing individuals assigned one biological sex to assume another gender, or creating more than two genders from which individuals can select. <a href=\"https:\/\/dailyplug.com\/before-european-christians-forced-gender-roles-native-americans-acknowledged-5-genders\/?fbclid=IwAR2Y2KOrldp6_9ptjQ7-cddrHDqA6KCBoY_bIp722Eyli4tyamj7RKDxc7I\">Examples of non-binary cultures come from Native America.<\/a> Anthropologists such as Ruth Benedict long ago identified a fairly widespread phenomenon of so-called <strong>\u201ctwo-spirit\u201d people<\/strong>, individuals who did not comfortably conform to the gender roles and gender ideology normally associated with their biological sex. Historically, among the pre-contact Zuni Pueblo in New Mexico, which was a relatively gender-egalitarian horticultural society, for example, individuals could choose an alternative role of \u201cnot-men\u201d or \u201cnot-women.\u201d A two-spirited Zuni man would do the work and wear clothing normally associated with women, having shown a preference for women-identified activities and symbols at an early age. In some, but not all cases, he would eventually marry a man. Most significantly, these alternative gender roles were acceptable, publicly recognized, and sometimes venerated.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Information about alternative gender roles in pre-contact Native American communities can be found in Martha Ward and Monica Edelstein, A World Full of Women (Boston: Pearson, 2013). Also, see the 2011 PBS Independent Lens film Two Spirits for an account of the role of two-spirit ideology in Navajo communities, including the story of a Navajo teenager who was the victim of a hate crime because of his two-spirit identity\" id=\"return-footnote-91-3\" href=\"#footnote-91-3\" aria-label=\"Footnote 3\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[3]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<div class=\"textbox exercises\">\n<h3>LISTEN:<\/h3>\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/www.npr.org\/2019\/01\/26\/687957536\/lgbt-navajos-discover-unexpected-champions-their-grandparents?fbclid=IwAR0pp5Npv50s7TXYQ0kb8GQDdnFrYv5zu5AQRVaB76W5axZs46Wsf0Kn1TA\">LGBT Navajos Discover Unexpected Champions: Their Grandparents<\/a><\/div>\n<p>Another well-known example of a non-binary gender system is found among the <strong>Hijra<\/strong> in India. Often called a <strong>third gender<\/strong>, these individuals are usually biologically male but adopt women&#8217;s clothing, gestures, and names; eschew sexual desire and sexual activity; and go through religious rituals that give them certain divine powers, including blessing or cursing couples\u2019 fertility and performing at weddings and births. Hijra may undergo voluntary surgical removal of genitals through a <em>nirvan<\/em> or rebirth operation. Some hijra are males born with ambiguous external genitals, such as a particularly small penis or testicles that did not fully descend.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Serena Nanda, Neither Man nor Woman: the Hijras of India (Boston, MA: Cengage, 1999); Serena Nanda, Gender Diversity: Cross-cultural Variations (Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland 2000); and Gayatri Reddy and Serena Nanda, \u201cHijras: An \u201cAlternative\u201d Sex\/Gender in India,\u201d in Gender in Cross-Cultural Perspective, ed. C. Brettell and C. Sargent, 278\u2013285 (Upper Saddle River New Jersey: Pearson, 2005).\" id=\"return-footnote-91-4\" href=\"#footnote-91-4\" aria-label=\"Footnote 4\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[4]<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0Historically, as Europe colonized most of the world, Anglo-European gender systems were imposed on native peoples and local, indigenous categories for both sex and gender were either stigmatized or abolished.<\/p>\n<p><span style=\"color: #993300\">In the United States and around the world, there are a growing number of people identifying as having a <strong>non-binary gender identity<\/strong>. These individuals may experience a gender identity that is neither exclusively that of a man or woman, or is in between or beyond both genders. Other terms used by non-binary individuals include gender fluid, agender (without gender), third gender, or something else entirely. Often, although not always, non-binary individuals will use the pronouns they, them and theirs instead of him\/his\/his and she\/her\/hers to refer to themselves and have people refer to them. This also reflects how language and communication changes with culture.<\/span><\/p>\n<div class=\"textbox examples\">\n<h3 style=\"text-align: center\">WATCH:\u00a0Moving Beyond the Binary of Sex and Gender with Ugla Stefan\u00eda<\/h3>\n<p><iframe loading=\"lazy\" id=\"oembed-2\" title=\"Moving Beyond the Binary of Sex and Gender | Ugla Stefan\u00eda | TEDxReykjavik\" width=\"500\" height=\"281\" src=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/embed\/2NHV4Az-EzY?feature=oembed&#38;rel=0\" frameborder=\"0\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\"><\/iframe><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<h2>GENDER PERFORMANCE\u00a0<em>by\u00a0Lauren Miller Griffith<\/em><\/h2>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Gender theorist Judith Butler\u2019s term \u201c<strong>gender performativity<\/strong>\u201d references the idea that gender as a social construct is created through individual performances of gender identity. Butler\u2019s key point is that an act is seen as gendered through ongoing, stylized repetitions.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Judith Butler, Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity (New York: Routledge, 1990); Judith Butler, Bodies That Matter: On the Discursive Limits of \u201cSex\u201d (New York: Routledge, 1993).\" id=\"return-footnote-91-5\" href=\"#footnote-91-5\" aria-label=\"Footnote 5\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[5]<\/sup><\/a> In other words, while we all make specific choices\u2014such as how to dress for a date\u2014people doing things in patterned ways over time results in certain versions being typified as \u201cmasculine\u201d or \u201cfeminine.\u201d Phrases such as \u201cact <em>like<\/em> a man\u201d or \u201cthrow <em>like<\/em> a girl\u201d are good examples. Socially, we define certain types of behavior as typical of men and women and culturally code that behavior as a gendered representation. Thus, specific individuals are seen as doing things in a particularly (or stereotypically) masculine or feminine way. How do you know how \u201cmen\u201d and \u201cwomen\u201d are supposed to behave? What makes one way of sitting, standing, or talking a \u201cfeminine\u201d one and another a \u201cmasculine\u201d one? The answer is that definitions of masculine and feminine vary within cultures and societies, but in every case, how people commonly do things constitutes gender in everyday life.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">In many ways, the notion that gender is created and replicated through patterned behavior is an expansion of the classic idea that the very movements of our bodies are culturally learned and performed.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Marcel Mauss, \u201cTechniques of the Body\u201d Economy and Society 2:1 (1973): 70\u201389.\" id=\"return-footnote-91-6\" href=\"#footnote-91-6\" aria-label=\"Footnote 6\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[6]<\/sup><\/a> Walking and swimming may seem to be natural body movements, but those movements differ in individual cultures and one must learn to walk or swim according to the norms of the culture. We also learn to perform gender. In Western contexts, for instance, athletic prowess is typically coded as masculine. But as Iris Marion Young noted, it is impossible to throw <em>like <\/em>a girl without learning what that means.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Iris Marion Young, \u201cThrowing Like a Girl: A Phenomenology of Feminine Body Comportment Motility and Spatiality\u201d Human Studies 3:2 (1980): 137\u2013156.\" id=\"return-footnote-91-7\" href=\"#footnote-91-7\" aria-label=\"Footnote 7\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[7]<\/sup><\/a> The phrase is not meant to refer to the skills of pitcher Mo\u2019ne Davis who, at thirteen years old, became the first female Little League player to appear on the cover of <a href=\"http:\/\/www.si.com\/more-sports\/photos\/2014\/06\/18\/si-covers-2014\/42\"><span class=\"Hyperlink CharOverride-1\">Sports Illustrated<\/span><span class=\"Hyperlink\"> in August 2014<\/span><\/a>.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Sports Illustrated August 25 (2014), Cover.\" id=\"return-footnote-91-8\" href=\"#footnote-91-8\" aria-label=\"Footnote 8\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[8]<\/sup><\/a> Young\u2019s point, by extension, is twofold: 1) \u201cgirls\u201d only throw differently from \u201cboys\u201d insofar as they are taught to throw differently; and 2) what counts as throwing like a girl or a boy is a learned evaluation. Taking the idea a step further, several scholars looked at performance of gender in a variety of sports, including women\u2019s bodybuilding, figure skating, and competitive ballroom dancing. In each case, some aspect of femininity is over-performed through blatant makeup and costuming to compensate for the overt physicality of the sport, which is at odds with stereotypical views of femininity.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Several authors have discussed the relationship between femininity and sport. On bodybuilding, see Anne Bolin, \u201cMuscularity and Femininity: Women Bodybuilders and Women\u2019s Bodies in Culturo-Historical Context,\u201d in Fitness as Cultural Phenomenon, ed. Karina A.\u00a0E.\u00a0Volkwein (New York: Waxmann M\u00fcnster, 1998). On figure skating, see Abigail M. Feder-Kane, \u201cA Radiant Smile from the Lovely Lady,\u201d in Reading Sport: Critical Essays on Power and Presentation, ed. Susan Birell and Mary G. McDonald (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 2000). On ballroom, see Jonathan S. Marion, Ballroom: Culture and Costume in Competitive Dance (Oxford: Berg, 2008) and Ballroom Dance and Glamour (London: Bloomsbury, 2014). See also Lisa Disch and Mary Jo Kane, \u201cWhen a Looker Is Really a Bitch: Lisa Olson, Sport, and the Heterosexual Matrix,\u201d in Reading Sport: Critical Essays on Power and Presentation, ed. Susan Birell and Mary G. McDonald (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 2000).\" id=\"return-footnote-91-9\" href=\"#footnote-91-9\" aria-label=\"Footnote 9\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[9]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<h2 class=\"H2\">LANGUAGE &amp; GENDER<\/h2>\n<p class=\"Normal\">In any culture that has differences in gender role expectations\u2014and all cultures do\u2014there are differences in how people talk based on their gender identity. These differences have nothing to do with biology.\u00a0In the United States, men are generally expected to speak in a low, rather monotone pitch; it is seen as masculine. If they do not sound sufficiently masculine, American men are likely to be negatively labeled as effeminate. Women, on the other hand, are freer to use their entire pitch range, which they often do when expressing emotion, especially excitement. When a woman is a television news announcer, she will modulate the pitch of her voice to a sound more typical of a man in order to be perceived as more credible. Women tend to use <b>minimal responses<\/b> in a conversation more than men. These are the vocal indications that one is listening to a speaker, such as<em><span class=\"CharOverride-4\">m-hm, yeah, I see, wow,\u00a0<\/span><\/em>and so forth. They tend to face their conversation partners more and use more eye contact than men. This is one reason women often complain that men do not listen to them.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Deborah Tannen, a professor of linguistics at Georgetown University in Washington, D.C., has done research for many years on language and gender. Her basic finding is that in conversation women tend to use styles that are relatively cooperative, to emphasize an equal relationship, while men seem to talk in a more competitive way in order to establish their positions in a hierarchy. She emphasizes that both men and women may be cooperative and competitive in different ways.<span class=\"Endnote-reference _idGenCharOverride-1\" style=\"background-color: #ffffff\"><a class=\"footnote\" title=\"For more information see Deborah Tannen, Gender and Discourse (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1996). Or, Deborah Tannen, You Just Don\u2019t Understand: Women and Men in Conversation (New York: Harper Collins, 2010).\" id=\"return-footnote-91-10\" href=\"#footnote-91-10\" aria-label=\"Footnote 10\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[10]<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">Other societies have very different standards for gendered speech styles. In Madagascar, men use a very flowery style of talk, using proverbs, metaphors and riddles to indirectly make a point and to avoid direct confrontation. The women on the other hand speak bluntly and say directly what is on their minds. Both admire men\u2019s speech and think of women\u2019s speech as inferior. When a man wants to convey a negative message to someone, he will ask his wife to do it for him. In addition, women control the marketplaces where tourists bargain for prices because it is impossible to bargain with a man who will not speak directly. It is for this reason that Malagasy women are relatively independent economically.<\/p>\n<p class=\"Normal\">In Japan, women were traditionally expected to be subservient to men and speak using a \u201cfeminine\u201d style, appropriate for their position as wife and mother, but the Japanese culture has been changing in recent decades so more and more women are joining the work force and achieving positions of relative power. Such women must find ways of speaking to maintain their feminine identities and at the same time express their authority in interactions with men, a challenging balancing act. Women in the United States do as well, to a certain extent. Even Margaret Thatcher, prime minister of England, took speech therapy lessons to \u201cfeminize\u201d her language use while maintaining an expression of authority.<\/p>\n<h2>SEXUALITY\u00a0<strong><em>by\u00a0<\/em><\/strong><em>Deborah Amory<\/em><\/h2>\n<p><strong>Sexuality<\/strong> refers to \u201cwhat we find erotic and how we take pleasure in our bodies\u201d (Styrker 2008, p. 33). \u00a0Sexuality and sexual practices vary across time and space, and so must be considered socially constructed. \u00a0<strong>Sexual orientation<\/strong> refers to the ways in which we seek out erotic pleasure, or how our sexuality is \u201coriented\u201d towards particular types of people. In other words, are sexual orientation is who we are attracted to at any given moment in time. Sexual orientation is not fixed, but can change.\u00a0Gilbert Herdt\u2019s work among the Sambia in Papua New Guinea counters the idea of sexual orientation as fixed (e.g., heterosexual, bisexual, gay) and provides a counter-example in which personal sexuality varies for boys and men by stage of life.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Gilbert Herdt, The Sambia: Ritual, Sexuality, and Change in Papua New Guinea (New York: Cengage, 2005).\" id=\"return-footnote-91-11\" href=\"#footnote-91-11\" aria-label=\"Footnote 11\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<h3>Heteronormativity and Sexuality in the United States\u00a0<em>by\u00a0Carol C. Mukhopadhyay and Tami Blumenfield<\/em><\/h3>\n<p><strong>Heteronormativity<\/strong> is a term coined by French philosopher Michel Foucault to refer to the often-unnoticed system of rights and privileges that accompany normative sexual choices and family formation. For example, a \u201cbiologically female\u201d woman attracted to a \u201cbiologically male\u201d man who pursued that attraction and formed a relationship with that man would be following a heteronormative pattern in the United States. If she married him, she would be continuing to follow societal expectations related to gender and sexuality.<\/p>\n<p>Despite pervasive messages reinforcing heteronormative social relations, people find other ways to satisfy their sexual desires and organize their families.\u00a0Labels have changed rapidly in the United States during the twenty-first century as a wider range of sexual orientations has been openly acknowledged, accompanied by a shift in our binary view of sexuality. Rather than thinking of individuals as either straight OR gay, scholars and activists now recognize a <em>spectrum<\/em> of sexual orientations. Given the U.S. focus on identity, it is not surprising that a range of new personhood categories, such as bisexual, polisexual, pansexual, queer, questioning, lesbian, and gay have emerged to reflect a more-fluid, shifting, expansive, and ambiguous conception of sexuality, sexual orientation and sexual identity.<\/p>\n<h3>Sexuality Outside the United States\u00a0<em>by\u00a0Carol C. Mukhopadhyay and Tami Blumenfield<\/em><\/h3>\n<p>Same-sex sexual and romantic relationships probably exist in every society, but concepts like \u201cgay,\u201d \u201clesbian,\u201d and \u201cbisexual\u201d are cultural products that, in many ways, reflect a culturally specific gender ideology and a set of beliefs about how sexual preferences develop. In many cultures same-sex sex is a behavior, not an identity. Some individuals in India identify as practicing \u201cfemale-female sexuality\u201d or \u201cmale-male sexuality.\u201d Whether one is \u201cgay\u201d or \u201cstraight\u201d may not be linked simply to engaging in same-sex sexual behavior. Instead, as among some Brazilian males, your sexual identity and status in a sexual relationship, literally and symbolically, depends on whether you are the inserter (<em>macho<\/em>) or the penetrated (<em>fem<\/em>).<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Don Kulick, \u201cThe Gender of Brazilian Transgendered Prostitutes\u201d American Anthropologist 99 no. 3 (1997): 574\u2013585.\" id=\"return-footnote-91-12\" href=\"#footnote-91-12\" aria-label=\"Footnote 12\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[12]<\/sup><\/a> Which would you expect involves higher status?<\/p>\n<p>Even anthropologists who are sensitive to cross-cultural variations in the terms and understandings that accompany same-sex sexual and romantic relationships can still unconsciously project their own meanings onto other cultures. Evelyn Blackwood, an American, described how surprised she was to realize that her Sumatran lover, who called herself a \u201cTombois,\u201d had a different conception of what constituted a \u201clesbian\u201d identity and lesbian relationship than she did.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Evelyn Blackwood, \u201cTombois in West Sumatra: Constructing Masculinity and Erotic Desire,\u201d in Feminist Anthropology: A Reader, ed. Ellen Lewin, 411\u2013434 (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2006).\" id=\"return-footnote-91-13\" href=\"#footnote-91-13\" aria-label=\"Footnote 13\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[13]<\/sup><\/a> We must be careful not to assume that other cultures share LGBTQQIA+ identities as they are understood in the United States and many European countries.<\/p>\n<p>Furthermore, each country has its own approach to sexuality and marriage, and reproduction often plays a central role. In Israel, an embrace of pro-natalist policies for Jewish Israelis has meant that expensive reproductive technologies such as in\u00a0vitro fertilization are provided to women at no cost or are heavily subsidized. An Israeli gay activist described how surprised queer activists from other countries were when they found that nearly all Israeli female same-sex couples were raising children. (This embrace of same-sex parenting did not extend to male couples, for whom the state did not provide assisted reproductive support.) The pro-natalist policies can be traced in part to Israel\u2019s emergence as a state: founded in the aftermath of persecution and systematic genocide of Jewish residents of Europe from 1937 through 1945, Israel initially promoted policies that encouraged births at least in part as resistance to Nazi attempts to destroy the Jewish people. The contexts may be less dramatic elsewhere, but local and national histories often inform policies and practices.<\/p>\n<p>In Thailand, Ara Wilson has explored how biological females embrace identities as <em>toms<\/em> and <em>dees<\/em>. Although these terms seem to be derived from English-language concepts (<em>dees<\/em> is etymologically related to \u201cladies\u201d), suggesting international influences, the ubiquity and acceptance of toms and dees in Thailand does diverge from patterns in the United States.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Ara Wilson, The Intimate Economies of Bangkok: Tomboys, Tycoons, and Avon Ladies in the Global City (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004).\" id=\"return-footnote-91-14\" href=\"#footnote-91-14\" aria-label=\"Footnote 14\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[14]<\/sup><\/a> In China (as elsewhere), the experiences of those involved in male-male sexuality and those involved in female-female sexuality can differ. In her book <em>Shanghai Lalas: Female Tongzhi Communities and Politics in Urban China<\/em>, Lucetta Yip Lo Kam discusses how lesbians in China note their lack of public social spaces compared with gay men.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Lucetta Yip Lo Kam, Shanghai Lalas: Female Tongzhi Communities and Politics in Urban China. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2012).\" id=\"return-footnote-91-15\" href=\"#footnote-91-15\" aria-label=\"Footnote 15\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[15]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p>From these examples, we see that approaches to sexuality in different parts of the world are transforming, just as gender norms in the United States are undergoing tremendous shifts. Anthropologists often cross boundaries to research these changes, and their contributions will continue to shape understandings of the broad range of approaches to sexuality.<\/p>\n<h2>LGBTQQIA+ IDENTITIES &amp; ACTIVISM\u00a0<em>by\u00a0Carol C. Mukhopadhyay and Tami Blumenfield<\/em><\/h2>\n<p>By 2011, an estimated 8.7 million people in the United States identified as lesbian, gay, bisexual, and\/or transgender.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Gary G. Gates, \u201cHow Many People are Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender?\u201d University of California, Los Angeles: Williams Institute, 2011. http:\/\/williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu\/research\/census-lgbt-demographics-studies\/how-many-people-are-lesbian-gay-bisexual-and-transgender.\/\" id=\"return-footnote-91-16\" href=\"#footnote-91-16\" aria-label=\"Footnote 16\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[16]<\/sup><\/a> These communities represent a vibrant, growing, and increasingly politically and economically powerful segment of the population. While people who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, questioning, intersex, and\/or asexual\u2014or any of a number of other sexual and gender minorities\u2014have existed throughout the United States\u2019 history, it is only since the Stonewall uprisings of 1969 that the modern LGBTQQIA+ movement has been a key force in U.S. society.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"David Carter, Stonewall: The Riots that Sparked a Gay Revolution (St. Martin\u2019s Griffin, 2010); Eric Marcus, Making Gay History: The Half-Century Fight for Lesbian and Gay Equal Rights (New York: Harper Collins, 2002).\" id=\"return-footnote-91-17\" href=\"#footnote-91-17\" aria-label=\"Footnote 17\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[17]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p>Like the U.S. population overall, the LGBTQQIA+ community is extremely diverse. Some black Americans prefer the term \u201csame-gender loving\u201d because the other terms are seen as developed by and for \u201cwhite people.\u201d Emphasizing the importance and power of words, Jafari Sinclaire Allen explains that \u201csame-gender loving\u201d was \u201ccoined by the black queer activist Cleo Manago [around 1995] to mark a distinction between \u2018gay\u2019 and \u2018lesbian\u2019 culture and identification, and black men and women who have sex with members of the same sex.\u201d<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Jafari Sinclaire Allen, \u201c\u2018In the Life\u2019 In Diaspora: Autonomy \/ Desire \/ Community,\u201d in Routledge Handbook of Sexuality, Health and Rights, ed. Peter Aggleton and Richard Parker (New York: Routledge, 2010), 459.\" id=\"return-footnote-91-18\" href=\"#footnote-91-18\" aria-label=\"Footnote 18\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[18]<\/sup><\/a> While scholars continue to use the terms gay, lesbian, and queer, \u201csame-gender loving\u201d resonates in some communities.<\/p>\n<p>Not everyone who might fit one of the LGBTQQIA+ designations consciously identifies with a group defined by gender or sexual orientation. Some people highlight their other identities, such as their ethnicity, religion, profession, or hobby\u2014whatever they consider central and important in their lives, rather than their gender identity or sexual orientation.\u00a0This freedom to self-identify or avoid categories altogether is important. Most of all, these shifts and debates demonstrate that, like the terms themselves, LGBTQQIA+ communities in the United States are diverse and dynamic with often-changing priorities and makeup.\u00a0Some scholars argue that heteronormativity allows people who self-identify as heterosexual the luxury of not being defined by their sexual orientation, and therefore\u00a0LGBTQQIA+ people should not have to do so. <a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Kristen Schilt and Laurel Westbrook, \u201cDoing Gender, Doing Heteronormativity: \u2018Gender Normals,\u2019 Transgender People, and the Social Maintenance of Heterosexuality\u201d Gender and Society 23 no. 4 (2009): 440\u2013464\" id=\"return-footnote-91-19\" href=\"#footnote-91-19\" aria-label=\"Footnote 19\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[19]<\/sup><\/a> Only when labels are universal rather than used only for non-normative groups, they argue, will people become aware of discrimination based on differences in sexual preference.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n\n\t\t\t <section class=\"citations-section\" role=\"contentinfo\">\n\t\t\t <h3>Candela Citations<\/h3>\n\t\t\t\t\t <div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t <div id=\"citation-list-91\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t <div class=\"licensing\"><div class=\"license-attribution-dropdown-subheading\">CC licensed content, Shared previously<\/div><ul class=\"citation-list\"><li>Perspectives: An Open Invitation to Cultural Anthropology. <strong>Authored by<\/strong>: Edited by Nina Brown, Laura Tubelle de Gonzalez, and Thomas McIlwraith. <strong>Provided by<\/strong>: American Anthropological Association. <strong>Located at<\/strong>: <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/perspectives.americananthro.org\/\">http:\/\/perspectives.americananthro.org\/<\/a>. <strong>License<\/strong>: <em><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"license\" href=\"https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/licenses\/by-nc\/4.0\/\">CC BY-NC: Attribution-NonCommercial<\/a><\/em><\/li><li>Gender and Sexuality. <strong>Authored by<\/strong>: Carol C. Mukhopadhyay. <strong>Provided by<\/strong>: San Jose University. <strong>Located at<\/strong>: <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/perspectives.americananthro.org\/Chapters\/Gender_and_Sexuality.pdf\">http:\/\/perspectives.americananthro.org\/Chapters\/Gender_and_Sexuality.pdf<\/a>. <strong>License<\/strong>: <em><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"license\" href=\"https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/licenses\/by-nc\/4.0\/\">CC BY-NC: Attribution-NonCommercial<\/a><\/em><\/li><li>Gender and Sexuality. <strong>Authored by<\/strong>: Tami Bluemenfield. <strong>Provided by<\/strong>: Furman University. <strong>Located at<\/strong>: <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/perspectives.americananthro.org\/Chapters\/Gender_and_Sexuality.pdf\">http:\/\/perspectives.americananthro.org\/Chapters\/Gender_and_Sexuality.pdf<\/a>. <strong>License<\/strong>: <em><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"license\" href=\"https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/licenses\/by-nc\/4.0\/\">CC BY-NC: Attribution-NonCommercial<\/a><\/em><\/li><li>Gender and Sexuality. <strong>Authored by<\/strong>: Susan Harper. <strong>Provided by<\/strong>: Texas Woman&#039;s University. <strong>Located at<\/strong>: <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/perspectives.americananthro.org\/Chapters\/Gender_and_Sexuality.pdf\">http:\/\/perspectives.americananthro.org\/Chapters\/Gender_and_Sexuality.pdf<\/a>. <strong>License<\/strong>: <em><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"license\" href=\"https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/licenses\/by-nc\/4.0\/\">CC BY-NC: Attribution-NonCommercial<\/a><\/em><\/li><li>Gender and Sexuality. <strong>Authored by<\/strong>: Abby Gondek. <strong>Located at<\/strong>: <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/perspectives.americananthro.org\/Chapters\/Gender_and_Sexuality.pdf\">http:\/\/perspectives.americananthro.org\/Chapters\/Gender_and_Sexuality.pdf<\/a>. <strong>License<\/strong>: <em><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"license\" href=\"https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/licenses\/by-nc\/4.0\/\">CC BY-NC: Attribution-NonCommercial<\/a><\/em><\/li><li>Performance. <strong>Authored by<\/strong>: Lauren Miller Griffith. <strong>Provided by<\/strong>: Texas Tech University. <strong>Located at<\/strong>: <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/perspectives.americananthro.org\/Chapters\/Performance.pdf\">http:\/\/perspectives.americananthro.org\/Chapters\/Performance.pdf<\/a>. <strong>License<\/strong>: <em><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"license\" href=\"https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/licenses\/by-nc\/4.0\/\">CC BY-NC: Attribution-NonCommercial<\/a><\/em><\/li><li>Performance. <strong>Authored by<\/strong>: Jonathan S. Marion. <strong>Provided by<\/strong>: University of Arkansas. <strong>Located at<\/strong>: <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/perspectives.americananthro.org\/Chapters\/Performance.pdf\">http:\/\/perspectives.americananthro.org\/Chapters\/Performance.pdf<\/a>. <strong>License<\/strong>: <em><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"license\" href=\"https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/licenses\/by-nc\/4.0\/\">CC BY-NC: Attribution-NonCommercial<\/a><\/em><\/li><li>Language. <strong>Authored by<\/strong>: Linda Light. <strong>Provided by<\/strong>: California State University. <strong>Located at<\/strong>: <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/perspectives.americananthro.org\/Chapters\/Language.pdf\">http:\/\/perspectives.americananthro.org\/Chapters\/Language.pdf<\/a>. <strong>License<\/strong>: <em><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"license\" href=\"https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/licenses\/by-nc\/4.0\/\">CC BY-NC: Attribution-NonCommercial<\/a><\/em><\/li><li>Why I must come out. <strong>Authored by<\/strong>: Geena Rocero. <strong>Provided by<\/strong>: TED Talks. <strong>Located at<\/strong>: <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"https:\/\/www.ted.com\/talks\/geena_rocero_why_i_must_come_out?referrer=playlist-check_your_assumptions\">https:\/\/www.ted.com\/talks\/geena_rocero_why_i_must_come_out?referrer=playlist-check_your_assumptions<\/a>. <strong>License<\/strong>: <em><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"license\" href=\"https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/licenses\/by-nc-nd\/4.0\/\">CC BY-NC-ND: Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives <\/a><\/em><\/li><\/ul><\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t <\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t <\/div>\n\t\t\t <\/section><hr class=\"before-footnotes clear\" \/><div class=\"footnotes\"><ol><li id=\"footnote-91-1\">Janet S. Hyde and John D. DeLamater, <em>Understanding Human Sexuality<\/em>, 99; Martha Ward and Monica Edelstein, <em>A World Full of Women<\/em>. <a href=\"#return-footnote-91-1\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 1\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-91-2\">Beverly Chinas, personal communication with Mukhopadhyay. See also her writings on Isthmus Zapotec women such as: Beverly Chinas, <em>The Isthmus Zapotecs: A Matrifocal Culture of Mexico<\/em> (New York: Harcourt Brace College Publishers 1997). For a film on this culture, see Maureen Gosling and Ellen Osborne, <em>Blossoms of Fire<\/em>, Film (San Francisco: Film Arts Foundation, 2001). <a href=\"#return-footnote-91-2\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 2\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-91-3\">Information about alternative gender roles in pre-contact Native American communities can be found in Martha Ward and Monica Edelstein, <em>A World Full of Women<\/em> (Boston: Pearson, 2013). Also, see the 2011 PBS Independent Lens film <em>Two Spirits<\/em> for an account of the role of two-spirit ideology in Navajo communities, including the story of a Navajo teenager who was the victim of a hate crime because of his two-spirit identity <a href=\"#return-footnote-91-3\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 3\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-91-4\">Serena Nanda, <em>Neither Man nor Woman: the Hijras of India<\/em> (Boston, MA: Cengage, 1999); Serena Nanda, <em>Gender Diversity: Cross-cultural Variations<\/em> (Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland 2000); and Gayatri Reddy and Serena Nanda, \u201cHijras: An \u201cAlternative\u201d Sex\/Gender in India,\u201d in <em>Gender in Cross-Cultural Perspective<\/em>, ed. C. Brettell and C. Sargent, 278\u2013285 (Upper Saddle River New Jersey: Pearson, 2005). <a href=\"#return-footnote-91-4\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 4\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-91-5\">Judith Butler, <em>Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity<\/em> (New York: Routledge, 1990); Judith Butler, <em>Bodies That Matter: On the Discursive Limits of \u201cSex\u201d<\/em> (New York: Routledge, 1993). <a href=\"#return-footnote-91-5\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 5\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-91-6\">Marcel Mauss, \u201cTechniques of the Body\u201d <em>Economy and Society<\/em> 2:1 (1973): 70\u201389. <a href=\"#return-footnote-91-6\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 6\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-91-7\">Iris Marion Young, \u201cThrowing Like a Girl: A Phenomenology of Feminine Body Comportment Motility and Spatiality\u201d <em>Human Studies<\/em> 3:2 (1980): 137\u2013156. <a href=\"#return-footnote-91-7\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 7\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-91-8\"><em>Sports Illustrated<\/em> August 25 (2014), Cover. <a href=\"#return-footnote-91-8\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 8\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-91-9\">Several authors have discussed the relationship between femininity and sport. On bodybuilding, see Anne Bolin, \u201cMuscularity and Femininity: Women Bodybuilders and Women\u2019s Bodies in Culturo-Historical Context,\u201d in <em>Fitness as Cultural Phenomenon<\/em>, ed. Karina A.\u00a0E.\u00a0Volkwein (New York: Waxmann M\u00fcnster, 1998). On figure skating, see Abigail M. Feder-Kane, \u201cA Radiant Smile from the Lovely Lady,\u201d in <em>Reading Sport: Critical Essays on Power and Presentation<\/em>, ed. Susan Birell and Mary G. McDonald (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 2000). On ballroom, see Jonathan S. Marion, <em>Ballroom: Culture and Costume in Competitive Dance<\/em> (Oxford: Berg, 2008) and Ballroom Dance and Glamour (London: Bloomsbury, 2014). See also Lisa Disch and Mary Jo Kane, \u201cWhen a Looker Is Really a Bitch: Lisa Olson, Sport, and the Heterosexual Matrix,\u201d in <em>Reading Sport: Critical Essays on Power and Presentation<\/em>, ed. Susan Birell and Mary G. McDonald (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 2000). <a href=\"#return-footnote-91-9\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 9\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-91-10\">For more information see Deborah Tannen, <em>Gender and Discourse<\/em> (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1996). Or, Deborah Tannen, <em>You Just Don\u2019t Understand: Women and Men in Conversation<\/em> (New York: Harper Collins, 2010). <a href=\"#return-footnote-91-10\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 10\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-91-11\">Gilbert Herdt, <em>The Sambia: Ritual, Sexuality, and Change in Papua New Guinea<\/em> (New York: Cengage, 2005). <a href=\"#return-footnote-91-11\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 11\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-91-12\">Don Kulick, \u201cThe Gender of Brazilian Transgendered Prostitutes\u201d <em>American Anthropologist<\/em> 99 no. 3 (1997): 574\u2013585. <a href=\"#return-footnote-91-12\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 12\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-91-13\">Evelyn Blackwood, \u201cTombois in West Sumatra: Constructing Masculinity and Erotic Desire,\u201d in Feminist Anthropology: A Reader, ed. Ellen Lewin, 411\u2013434 (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2006). <a href=\"#return-footnote-91-13\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 13\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-91-14\">Ara Wilson, <em>The Intimate Economies of Bangkok: Tomboys, Tycoons, and Avon Ladies in the Global City<\/em> (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004). <a href=\"#return-footnote-91-14\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 14\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-91-15\">Lucetta Yip Lo Kam, <em>Shanghai Lalas: Female Tongzhi Communities and Politics in Urban China<\/em>. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2012). <a href=\"#return-footnote-91-15\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 15\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-91-16\">Gary G. Gates, \u201cHow Many People are Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender?\u201d University of California, Los Angeles: Williams Institute, 2011. <a href=\"http:\/\/williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu\/research\/census-lgbt-demographics-studies\/how-many-people-are-lesbian-gay-bisexual-and-transgender.\/\">http:\/\/williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu\/research\/census-lgbt-demographics-studies\/how-many-people-are-lesbian-gay-bisexual-and-transgender.\/<\/a> <a href=\"#return-footnote-91-16\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 16\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-91-17\">David Carter, <em>Stonewall: The Riots that Sparked a Gay Revolution<\/em> (St. Martin\u2019s Griffin, 2010); Eric Marcus, <em>Making Gay History: The Half-Century Fight for Lesbian and Gay Equal Rights<\/em> (New York: Harper Collins, 2002). <a href=\"#return-footnote-91-17\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 17\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-91-18\">Jafari Sinclaire Allen, \u201c\u2018In the Life\u2019 In Diaspora: Autonomy \/ Desire \/ Community,\u201d in <em>Routledge Handbook of Sexuality, Health and Rights<\/em>, ed. Peter Aggleton and Richard Parker (New York: Routledge, 2010), 459. <a href=\"#return-footnote-91-18\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 18\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-91-19\">Kristen Schilt and Laurel Westbrook, \u201cDoing Gender, Doing Heteronormativity: \u2018Gender Normals,\u2019 Transgender People, and the Social Maintenance of Heterosexuality\u201d <em>Gender and Society<\/em> 23 no. 4 (2009): 440\u2013464 <a href=\"#return-footnote-91-19\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 19\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><\/ol><\/div>","protected":false},"author":311,"menu_order":13,"template":"","meta":{"_candela_citation":"[{\"type\":\"cc\",\"description\":\"Perspectives: An Open Invitation to Cultural Anthropology\",\"author\":\"Edited by Nina Brown, Laura Tubelle de Gonzalez, and Thomas McIlwraith\",\"organization\":\"American Anthropological Association\",\"url\":\"http:\/\/perspectives.americananthro.org\/\",\"project\":\"\",\"license\":\"cc-by-nc\",\"license_terms\":\"\"},{\"type\":\"cc\",\"description\":\"Gender and Sexuality\",\"author\":\"Carol C. 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