Learning Objectives
By the end of this section, you will be able to:
- Explain the significance of the last ice age to the peopling and early history of the Americas
- Discuss examples of the achievements of American civilizations before the arrival of the Spanish
- Discuss the differences and similarities found among the foodways, lifestyles, customs, and beliefs of the Native peoples of North America
Native peoples had lived in the Americas for well over ten thousand years by the time Christopher Columbus landed in the Bahamas in 1492. Spread across a variety of ecosystems from Canada to South America, they spoke hundreds of different languages. Their societies ranged from small agricultural villages and hunting camps to large urban centers. Although estimates vary widely, it is likely that at least 60 million individuals lived in all of the Americas by the time Columbus “discovered” the hemisphere. American history rightfully begins with them, not European explorers. But where do their stories start?
ICE AGE BEGINNINGS
Archaeologists and anthropologists, meanwhile, focus on migration histories. Studying artifacts, bones, and genetic signatures, these scholars have pieced together a narrative suggesting that the Americas were once a “new world” for Native Americans as well.The last global ice age trapped much of the world’s water in enormous continental glaciers. Twenty thousand years ago, ice sheets, some a mile thick, extended across North America as far south as modern-day Illinois. With so much of the world’s water captured in these massive ice sheets, global sea levels were much lower, and a land bridge connected Asia and North America across the Bering Strait. Between twelve and twenty thousand years ago—during what is called the Paleolithic Era— Native ancestors crossed the ice, waters, and exposed lands between the continents of Asia and America. These mobile hunter-gatherers traveled in small bands, exploiting vegetable, animal, and marine resources into the Beringian tundra at the northwestern edge of North America. DNA evidence suggests that these ancestors paused for perhaps 15,000 years in the expansive region between Asia and America.[4] Other ancestors crossed the seas and voyaged along the Pacific coast, traveling along riverways and settling where local ecosystems permitted.[5]
As the ice age ended and warming temperatures spurred ecological change, Native peoples developed unique subsistence patterns to harness the resources of their particular regions. In the Pacific Northwest, Native groups exploited the great salmon-filled rivers. On the plains and prairie lands, hunting communities followed large game animals such as the bison and moved according to seasonal patterns. In mountains, prairies, deserts, and forests, the cultures and ways of life of paleo-era ancestors were as varied as the geography. These groups spoke hundreds of languages and adopted distinct cultural practices. Rich and diverse diets fueled massive population growth across the continent.
Agriculture arose sometime between 9,000 and 5,000 years ago, almost simultaneously in the Eastern and Western Hemispheres. Peoples living in Mesoamerica (the geographic area stretching from north of Panama up to the desert of central Mexico) relied upon domesticated maize (corn) to develop the hemisphere’s first settled population by 1,200 BCE.[8] Corn was high in caloric content, easily dried and stored, and, in Mesoamerica’s warm and fertile Gulf Coast, could sometimes be harvested twice in a year. The cultivation of corn also spawned the domestication of other crops, including squash and beans. For some, agriculture may have accompanied a decline in health. Analysis of remains reveals that societies transitioning to agriculture often experienced weaker bones and teeth.[9] But despite these possible declines, agriculture brought important benefits. Farmers could produce more food than hunters, enabling some members of the community to pursue other skills. Religious leaders, skilled soldiers, and artists could devote their energy to activities other than food production.
EARLY CIVILIZATIONS OF MESOAMERICA
Agriculture ultimately aided the rise of a series of complex civilizations in Mesoamerica. Although marked by great topographic, linguistic, and cultural diversity, these early civilizations shared a number of characteristics. Mesoamericans were polytheistic; their gods possessed both male and female traits and demanded blood sacrifices of enemies taken in battle or ritual bloodletting. Corn, or maize, domesticated by 5000 BCE, formed the basis of their diet. They developed a mathematical system, built huge edifices, and devised a calendar that accurately predicted eclipses and solstices and that priest-astronomers used to direct the planting and harvesting of crops. Most important for our knowledge of these peoples, they created the only known writing system in the Western Hemisphere; researchers have made much progress in interpreting the inscriptions on their temples and pyramids. Trade over long distances helped diffuse culture. Weapons made of obsidian, jewelry crafted from jade, feathers woven into clothing and ornaments, and cacao beans that were whipped into a chocolate drink formed the basis of commerce.
The “mother” of Mesoamerican civilizations was that of the Olmec. Flourishing along the hot Gulf Coast of Mexico from about 1200 to about 400 BCE, the Olmec produced a number of major works of art, architecture, pottery, and sculpture. Most recognizable are their giant head sculptures and the pyramid in La Venta. They built impressive aqueducts to transport water into their cities and irrigate their fields. Irrigation allowed them to grow maize, as well as squash, beans, and tomatoes. They also bred small domesticated dogs which, along with fish, provided their protein.They also developed a system of trade throughout Mesoamerica, giving rise to an elite class. Although no one knows what happened to the Olmec after about 400 BCE, in part because the jungle reclaimed many of their cities, their culture was the base upon which later Mesoamerican civilizations built. It was the Olmec who worshipped a rain god, a maize god, and the feathered serpent so important in the future pantheons of the Aztecs (who called him Quetzalcoatl) and the Maya (to whom he was Kukulkan).
After the decline of the Olmec, a city rose in the fertile central highlands of Mesoamerica. One of the largest population centers in pre-Columbian America and home to more than 100,000 people at its height in about 500 CE, Teotihuacan was located about thirty miles northeast of modern Mexico City. Large-scale agriculture and the resultant abundance of food allowed time for people to develop special trades and skills other than farming. Builders constructed over twenty-two hundred apartment compounds for multiple families, as well as more than a hundred temples. Among these were the Pyramid of the Sun (which is two hundred feet high) and the Pyramid of the Moon (one hundred and fifty feet high). The city was also the center for trade, which extended to settlements on Mesoamerica’s Gulf Coast.
Mayan culture had strong ties to Teotihuacan. At its height from roughly 200 CE to 900 CE, Mayan civilization encompassed some fifty urban centers in what is now Mexico, Belize, Honduras, and Guatemala. The Maya’s architectural and mathematical contributions were especially significant. Mayan elites perfected the calendar and written language the Olmec had begun. They devised a written mathematical system to record crop yields and the size of the population, and to assist in trade. They built the city-states of Copan, Tikal, and Chichen Itza along their major trade routes. Within these urban centers stood impressive temples, pyramids, statues of gods, and astronomical observatories. But, for reasons still debated by scholars, Mayan civilization declined by about 900 CE, leaving their large population centers abandoned. Poor soil was likely a contributing factor, along with the exhaustion of resources and a drought that lasted nearly two centuries.
The Spanish found little organized resistance among Mayan descendants when they arrived in the 1520s. However, they did find Mayan history, in the form of glyphs, or pictures representing words, recorded in folding books called codices (the singular is codex). In 1562, Bishop Diego de Landa, who feared the converted natives had reverted to their traditional religious practices, collected and burned every codex he could find. Today only a few survive.
EARLY PEOPLES OF NORTH AMERICA
Native peoples of North America generally developed more dispersed societies than the urban civilizations of Mesoamerica. But largescale population centers developed here, too. Some of the largest culture groups in North America were the Puebloan groups, centered in the Greater Southwest (the southwestern U.S. and northwestern Mexico) and groups living along the great river valleys of the East. Extensive trade networks connected peoples across vast distances. Some of these networks linked the peoples of Mesoamerica with peoples in the southern part of today’s United States, leading to cultural exchange as well as the exchange of goods.
The Greater Southwest
In the American Southwest Mesoamerican farming techniques supported a series of societies collectively known as the Pueblo. The Spanish first gave them this name, which means “town” or “village,” because they lived in towns or villages of permanent stone-and-mud buildings with thatched roofs. Like present-day apartment houses, these buildings had multiple stories, each with multiple rooms. The three main groups of the Pueblo people were the Mogollon, Hohokam, and Anasazi. The Mogollon thrived in the Mimbres Valley (New Mexico) from about 150 BCE to 1450 CE. They developed a distinctive artistic style for painting bowls with finely drawn geometric figures and wildlife, especially birds, in black on a white background. Beginning about 600 CE, the Hohokam built an extensive irrigation system of canals to irrigate the desert and grow fields of corn, beans, and squash. By 1300, their crop yields were supporting the most highly populated settlements in the southwest. The Hohokam decorated pottery with a red-on-buff design and made jewelry of turquoise. In the high desert of New Mexico, the Anasazi, whose name means “ancient enemy” or “ancient ones,” carved homes from steep cliffs accessed by ladders or ropes that could be pulled in at night or in case of enemy attack.
Roads extending some 180 miles connected the Pueblos’ smaller urban centers to each other and to Chaco Canyon, which by 1050 CE had become the administrative, religious, and cultural center of their civilization. As many as 15,000 people lived in the Chaco Canyon complex in present-day New Mexico.[10] One single building, Pueblo Bonito, stretched over two acres and rose five stories. Its 600 rooms were decorated with copper bells, turquoise decorations, and bright macaws.[11]
But as their population base grew, the peoples of Chaco Canyon faced several ecological challenges. Deforestation and over-irrigation ultimately caused the communities to collapse and residents dispersed to smaller settlements. An extreme fifty-year drought began in 1130. Shortly thereafter, Chaco Canyon was deserted. New groups filled this land, including the Apache and Navajo, both of whom adopted several Puebloan customs.
The Mississippi Valley
The same drought that plagued the Pueblo also likely affected the Mississippian peoples of the American Midwest and South. The Mississippians developed one of the largest civilizations north of modern-day Mexico. Roughly one thousand years ago, the largest Mississippian settlement, now called Cahokia, peaked at a population of between 10,000 and 30,000. Located just east of modern-day St. Louis, Cahokia rivaled contemporary European cities in size. No American city, in fact, would match its peak population levels until after the American Revolution. The city itself spanned five square miles and centered around a large earthen hill that rose ten stories and was larger at its base than the great pyramids of Egypt. The city also contained 120 earthen mounds or pyramids, each dominating a particular neighborhood and on each of which lived a leader who exercised authority over the surrounding area. As in other early cultures, life and death in Cahokia were linked to the movement of the stars, sun, and moon, and their ceremonial earthwork structures reflect these important structuring forces.
Around the year 1050, Cahokia experienced what one archaeologist has called a “big bang,” which included “a virtually instantaneous and pervasive shift in all things political, social, and ideological.”[12] The population grew almost 500 percent in only one generation, and new groups were absorbed into the city and its supporting communities.[13] By 1300, the once powerful city had undergone a series of strains that led to collapse. Scholars previously pointed to ecological disaster or slow depopulation through emigration, but new research instead emphasizes mounting warfare, or internal political tensions. Environmental explanations suggest that population growth placed too great a burden on the arable land. Others suggest the demand for fuel and building materials led to deforestation, erosion, and an extended drought. Recent evidence, including defensive stockades, suggests that political turmoil among the ruling elite and threats from external enemies may explain the end of the once great civilization.[14]
Like the cities of Mesoamerica, North American communities were sustained by long distance trading routes. The Mississippi River served as a particularly important trade artery, but all of the continent’s waterways were vital to transportation and communication. Cahokia became a key trading center partly due to its position near the Mississippi, Illinois, and Missouri Rivers. These rivers created networks that stretched from the Great Lakes to the American Southeast. Archaeologists can identify materials, like seashells, that traveled over a thousand miles to reach the center of this civilization. At least 3,500 years ago, the community at what is now Poverty Point, Louisiana, had access to copper from present-day Canada and flint from modern-day Indiana. Sheets of mica found at the Serpent Mound site of the Ohio Valley’s Hopewell culture came from the Allegheny Mountains, and obsidian from nearby earthworks came from Mexico. Turquoise from the Greater Southwest was used at Teotihuacan in Mexico 1,200 years ago.
The Eastern Woodlands
Women in this region typically cultivated the crops and harvested nuts and berries, while men hunted, fished, and provided protection. But both took responsibility for raising children, and most major societies in the East were matrilineal, meaning they determined descent and inheritance through female relatives. In tribes such as the Iroquois, Lenape, Muscogee, and Cherokee, women had both power and influence. They counseled the chief and passed on the traditions of the tribe. Women’s roles often changed dramatically with the coming of the Europeans, who introduced, sometimes forcibly, their own patriarchal customs and traditions.
The Pacific Northwest
In the Pacific Northwest, the Kwakwaka’wakw, Tlingits, Haidas, and hundreds of other peoples, speaking dozens of languages, thrived due to the moderate climate, lush forests and many rivers. The peoples of this region depended upon salmon for survival and valued it accordingly. Images of salmon decorated totem poles, baskets, canoes, oars, and other tools. The fish was treated with spiritual respect and its image represented prosperity, life, and renewal. Sustainable harvesting practices ensured the survival of salmon populations. Elders closely observed the size of the salmon run and would delay harvesting to ensure that a sufficient number survived to spawn and return in the future.[16] Men commonly used nets, hooks, and other small tools to capture salmon as they migrated upriver to spawn. Massive cedar canoes, as long as 50 feet and carrying as many as 20 men, also enabled extensive fishing expeditions in the Pacific Ocean, where skilled fishermen caught halibut, sturgeon, and other fish, sometimes hauling thousands of pounds in a single canoe.[17]
Food surpluses enabled significant population growth, and the Pacific Northwest became one of the most densely populated regions of North America. The combination of population density and food surplus created a unique social organization centered around elaborate feasts, called potlatches. These potlatches celebrated births and weddings as well as determined social status. A party would last for days and the host would demonstrate his wealth and power by feeding and entertaining guests with food, artwork, and performances. The more the host gave away, the more prestige and power they had within the group. Some men saved for decades to host an extravagant potlach that would in turn give them greater respect and power within the community.
Many peoples of the Pacific Northwest built elaborate plank houses out of the region’s abundant cedar trees. The 500-foot-long Suquamish Oleman House (or Old Man House), for instance, rested on the banks of Puget Sound.[18] Giant cedar trees were also carved and painted in the shape of animals or other figures to tell stories and express identities. These totem poles became the most recognizable artistic form of the Pacific Northwest. But peoples also carved masks and other wooden items, such as hand drums and rattles, out of the great trees of the region.
Similarities Amidst Diversity
The New World was marked by diversity and contrast. By the time Europeans were poised to cross the Atlantic, Native Americans spoke hundreds of languages and lived in keeping with the hemisphere’s many climates. Some lived in cities, others in small bands. Some migrated seasonally, others settled permanently. Still, North America’s indigenous peoples shared some broad traits. Their spiritual practices, understandings of property, and kinship networks differed markedly from European arrangements.
Most native peoples of North America did not neatly distinguish between the natural and the supernatural. Spiritual power permeated their world and was both tangible and accessible. It could be appealed to and harnessed. Further, kinship bound most Native North American people together. The majority of peoples lived in small communities tied together by kinship networks. In matrilineal Eastern Woodlands communities, where clan identity proceeded along the female line, mothers often wielded enormous influence at local levels and men’s status often depended on their relationships to women. Native American culture meanwhile generally afforded greater sexual and marital freedom than European cultures did. Women often chose their husbands and divorce often was a relatively simple and straightforward process.
Clashing beliefs about land ownership and use of the environment were, arguably, the greatest area of conflict with European values. Although tribes often claimed the right to certain hunting grounds—usually identified by some geographical landmark—native societies did not practice, or in general even have the concept of, private ownership of land. Native Americans generally felt a personal ownership of tools, weapons, or other items that were actively used, and this same rule applied to land and crops. Groups and individuals exploited particular pieces of land, and used violence or negotiation to exclude others. But the right to the use of land did not imply the right to its permanent possession. The European Christian worldview, on the other hand, viewed land as the source of wealth. According to the Christian Bible, God created humanity in his own image with the command to use and subdue the rest of creation, which included not only land, but also all animal life. Upon their arrival in North America, Europeans found no fences, no signs designating ownership. Land, and the game that populated it, they believed, were there for the taking.
Section Summary
The human history of the Americas begins during the last ice age when a land bridge existed between modern-day Siberia and Alaska, opening a pathway for the first inhabitants to migrate from northeastern Asia. As the ice age ended and warming temperatures spurred ecological change, peoples developed unique subsistence patterns to harness the resources of their particular regions. Agriculture arose sometime sometime between 9,000 and 5,000 years ago in Mesoamerica, leading to the development of complex urban civilizations in what is today Mexico and the Yucatan peninsula.
Great civilizations rose and fell, too, in North America. Puebloan societies borrowed Mesoamerican farming techniques and built impressive cities in the canyons of the American Southwest. The great city of Cahokia arose at the height of the Mississippian civilization in the East. The Eastern Woodland peoples were thriving, as well, in more dispersed settlements that allowed them to make the best use of their resources. Meanwhile, the Pacific Northwest became one of the most densely populated regions of North America, owing to abundant food resources.
By the time Europeans were poised to cross the Atlantic, the Americas were home to a marked diversity of peoples speaking hundreds of different languages. Despite the great diversity, however, North America’s indigenous cultures shared some broad traits. Their spiritual practices, understandings of property, and social customs would put them at odds with Europeans once they arrived in the “New World.”
Review Question
- What were the major similarities between the native cultures of North America?
Answer to Review Question
- Although their languages, customs, and foodways differed considerably, the native peoples of North America all attached importance to kinship in the organization of their societies. They also saw a close relationship between the physical and spiritual worlds and believed the spiritual world was accessible to human beings. Perhaps the most striking difference between their value systems and that of Europeans was the lack of an equivalent concept of property ownership. Although they recognized the rights of people to use certain land these rights did not imply the right to permanently possess it.
Glossary
Beringia an ancient land bridge linking Asia and North America
Mesoamerica the geographic area stretching from north of Panama up to the desert of central Mexico, encompassing modern-day Mexico and Central America
Paleolithic Era the “Old Stone Age,” spanning the long era in human history between the advent of stone tool technology and the end of the last ice age, before the advent of agriculture
Pueblo the name given to peoples of the American Southwest by the Spanish, referring to their towns and villages of permanent stone and mud buildings
matrilineal tracing descent and determining inheritance through female kin
potlatches elaborate community feasts that contributed to one’s social status among the peoples of the Pacific Northwest
Candela Citations
- US History. Authored by: P. Scott Corbett, Volker Janssen, John M. Lund, Todd Pfannestiel, Paul Vickery, and Sylvie Waskiewicz. Provided by: OpenStax College. Located at: http://openstaxcollege.org/textbooks/us-history. License: Public Domain: No Known Copyright
- The American Yawp. Located at: http://www.americanyawp.com. License: CC BY-SA: Attribution-ShareAlike. License Terms: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/
- A. L. Kroeber, ed., University of California Publications: American Archaeology and Ethnology, Vol. 10 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1911–1914), 191–192, as stated in The American Yawp, www.americanyawp.com. ↵
- James F. Barnett Jr., Mississippi’s American Indians (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2012), 90, as stated in The American Yawp, www.americanyawp.com. ↵
- Edward W. Osowski, Indigenous Miracles: Nahua Authority in Colonial Mexico (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2010), 25, as stated in The American Yawp, www.americanyawp.com. ↵
- David J. Meltzer, First Peoples in a New World: Colonizing Ice Age America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010), 170, as stated in The American Yawp, www.americanyawp.com. ↵
- Knut R. Fladmark, “Routes: Alternate Migration Corridors for Early Man in North America,” American Antiquity 44, no. 1 (1979): 55–69, as stated in The American Yawp, www.americanyawp.com. ↵
- Jessi J. Halligan et al., “Pre-Clovis Occupation 14,550 Years Ago at the Page-Ladson Site, Florida, and the People of the Americas,” Science Advances 2, no. 5 (May 13, 2016), as stated in The American Yawp, www.americanyawp.com. ↵
- Tom D. Dillehay, The Settlement of the Americas: A New Prehistory (New York: Basic Books, 2000), as stated in The American Yawp, www.americanyawp.com. ↵
- Richard A. Diehl, The Olmecs: America’s First Civilization (London: Thames and Hudson, 2004), 25, a stated in The American Yawp, www.americanyawp.com. ↵
- Richard H. Steckel, “Health and Nutrition in Pre-Columbian America: The Skeletal Evidence,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 36, no. 1 (Summer 2005): 19–21, as stated in The American Yawp, www.americanyawp.com. ↵
- Stuart J. Fiedel, Prehistory of the Americas (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 217, as stated in The American Yawp, Chapter 1. ↵
- H. Wolcott Toll, “Making and Breaking Pots in the Chaco World,” American Antiquity 66, no. 1 (January 2001): 65, as stated in The American Yawp, Ch. 1. ↵
- 14. Timothy R. Pauketat and Thomas E. Emerson, eds., Cahokia: Domination and Ideology in the Mississippian World (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1997), 31, as stated in The American Yawp, Ch. 1 ↵
- Thomas E. Emerson, “An Introduction to Cahokia 2002: Diversity, Complexity, and History,” Midcontinental Journal of Archaeology 27, no. 2 (Fall 2002): 137–139, as stated in The American Yawp, Ch. 1. ↵
- 16. Thomas E. Emerson, “An Introduction to Cahokia 2002: Diversity, Complexity, and History,” Midcontinental Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 27: No. 2 (Fall 2002), pp. 137-139, as stated in The American Yawp, Ch. 1. ↵
- Jane Mt. Pleasant, “A New Paradigm for Pre-Columbian Agriculture in North America,” Early American Studies 13, no. 2 (Spring 2015): 374–412, as stated in The American Yawp, Ch. 1. ↵
- 19. Erna Gunther, “An Analysis of the First Salmon Ceremony, American Anthropologist, Vol. 28, No. 4 (Oct. – Dec., 1926), pp. 605-617, as stated in The American Yawp, Ch. 1. ↵
- 20. Gary E. Moulton, ed. The Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition. Volume 6 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1983). Available online through the Library of Congress at https://www.loc.gov/exhibits/lewisandclark/transcript68.html, as stated in The American Yawp, Ch. 1. ↵
- 21. Coll Thrush, Native Seattle: Histories from the Crossing-Over Place, Second Edition (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2007), 126, as stated in The American Yawp, Ch. 1. ↵