On November 7, 2012, the day after the presidential election, journalists found Mitt Romney\u2019s transition website, detailing the Republican candidate\u2019s plans for the upcoming inauguration celebration and criteria for Cabinet and White House appointees and leaving space for video of his acceptance speech.1<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0Yet,\u00a0Romney<\/span>\u00a0had lost his bid for the White House. In fact, Romney\u2019s campaign staff had been so sure he would win that he had not written a concession speech. How could they have been wrong? Romney\u2019s staff blamed the campaign\u2019s own polls. Believing Republican voters to be highly motivated, Romney pollsters had overestimated how many would turn out (Figure 6.1<\/a>).2<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0The campaign\u2019s polls showed Romney close to President Barack Obama, although non-campaign polls showed Obama ahead.3<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0On election night, Romney gave his hastily drafted concession speech, still unsure how he had lost.<\/p>\r\n In the 2016 election, most polls showed Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton with an advantage nationwide and in the battleground states in the days leading up to the election. However, Republican nominee Donald Trump was elected president as many new voters joined the process, voters who were not studied in the polls as likely voters. As many a disappointed candidate knows, public opinion matters. The way opinions are formed and the way we measure public opinion also matter. But how much, and why? These are some of the questions we\u2019ll explore in this chapter.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n Governor and presidential candidate Mitt Romney takes the stage in Boston, Massachusetts, to give his “Super Tuesday” victory speech (credit: modification of work by BU Interactive News\/Flickr).<\/p>\n<\/div>\n On November 7, 2012, the day after the presidential election, journalists found Mitt Romney\u2019s transition website, detailing the Republican candidate\u2019s plans for the upcoming inauguration celebration and criteria for Cabinet and White House appointees and leaving space for video of his acceptance speech.1<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0Yet,\u00a0Romney<\/span>\u00a0had lost his bid for the White House. In fact, Romney\u2019s campaign staff had been so sure he would win that he had not written a concession speech. How could they have been wrong? Romney\u2019s staff blamed the campaign\u2019s own polls. Believing Republican voters to be highly motivated, Romney pollsters had overestimated how many would turn out (Figure 6.1<\/a>).2<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0The campaign\u2019s polls showed Romney close to President Barack Obama, although non-campaign polls showed Obama ahead.3<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0On election night, Romney gave his hastily drafted concession speech, still unsure how he had lost.<\/p>\n In the 2016 election, most polls showed Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton with an advantage nationwide and in the battleground states in the days leading up to the election. However, Republican nominee Donald Trump was elected president as many new voters joined the process, voters who were not studied in the polls as likely voters. As many a disappointed candidate knows, public opinion matters. The way opinions are formed and the way we measure public opinion also matter. But how much, and why? These are some of the questions we\u2019ll explore in this chapter.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n![\"Photo](\"https:\/\/textimgs.s3.amazonaws.com\/osamgovt\/m58986\/OSC_AmGov_06_00_Romney.jpg#fixme\")
<\/p>\nCandela Citations<\/h3>\n\t\t\t\t\t