{"id":91,"date":"2019-04-24T20:15:52","date_gmt":"2019-04-24T20:15:52","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/courses.candelalearning.com\/os-amgovernment2e\/?post_type=chapter&#038;p=91"},"modified":"2019-07-29T13:14:59","modified_gmt":"2019-07-29T13:14:59","slug":"competitive-federalism-today","status":"publish","type":"chapter","link":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/suny-tompkinscortland-amgovernment\/chapter\/competitive-federalism-today\/","title":{"raw":"Competitive Federalism Today","rendered":"Competitive Federalism Today"},"content":{"raw":"&nbsp;\r\n\r\n<section id=\"fs-id1163757196886\" class=\"learning-objectives\" data-depth=\"1\">\r\n<h3>Learning Outcomes<\/h3>\r\n<p id=\"fs-id1163757251693\">By the end of this section, you will be able to:<\/p>\r\n\r\n<ul id=\"fs-id1163757263620\">\r\n \t<li>Explain the dynamic of competitive federalism<\/li>\r\n \t<li>Analyze some issues over which the states and federal government have contended<\/li>\r\n<\/ul>\r\n<\/section>\r\n<p id=\"fs-id1163757245637\">Certain functions clearly belong to the federal government, the state governments, and local governments. National security is a federal matter, the issuance of licenses is a state matter, and garbage collection is a local matter. One aspect of competitive federalism today is that some policy issues, such as immigration and the marital rights of gays and lesbians, have been redefined as the roles that states and the federal government play in them have changed. Another aspect of competitive federalism is that interest groups seeking to change the status quo can take a policy issue up to the federal government or down to the states if they feel it is to their advantage. Interest groups have used this strategy to promote their views on such issues as abortion, gun control, and the legal drinking age.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<section id=\"fs-id1163757309872\" data-depth=\"1\">\r\n<h3 data-type=\"title\">CONTENDING ISSUES<\/h3>\r\n<p id=\"fs-id1163757201947\">Immigration and marriage equality have not been the subject of much contention between states and the federal government until recent decades. Before that, it was understood that the federal government handled immigration and states determined the legality of same-sex marriage. This understanding of exclusive responsibilities has changed; today both levels of government play roles in these two policy areas.<\/p>\r\n<p id=\"fs-id1163757210641\"><strong>Immigration federalism<\/strong> describes the gradual movement of states into the immigration policy domain.[footnote]Carol M. Swain and Virgina M. Yetter. (2014). \"Federalism and the Politics of Immigration Reform.\" In The Politics of Major Policy Reform in Postwar America, eds. Jeffery A. Jenkins and Sidney M. Milkis. New York: Cambridge University Press.[\/footnote] Since the late 1990s, states have asserted a right to make immigration policy on the grounds that they are enforcing, not supplanting, the nation\u2019s immigration laws, and they are exercising their jurisdictional authority by restricting illegal immigrants\u2019 access to education, health care, and welfare benefits, areas that fall under the states\u2019 responsibilities. In 2005, twenty-five states had enacted a total of thirty-nine laws related to immigration; by 2014, forty-three states and Washington, DC, had passed a total of 288 immigration-related laws and resolutions.[footnote]National Conference of State Legislatures. \"State Laws Related to Immigration and Immigrants.\" <a href=\"http:\/\/www.ncsl.org\/research\/immigration\/state-laws-related-to-immigration-and-immigrants.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">http:\/\/www.ncsl.org\/research\/immigration\/state-laws-related-to-immigration-and-immigrants.aspx<\/a> (June 23, 2015).[\/footnote]<\/p>\r\n<p id=\"fs-id1163757266370\">Arizona has been one of the states at the forefront of immigration federalism. In 2010, it passed Senate Bill 1070, which sought to make it so difficult for illegal immigrants to live in the state that they would return to their native country, a strategy referred to as \"attrition by enforcement.\"[footnote]Michele Waslin. 2012. \"Discrediting \u2018Self Deportation\u2019 as Immigration Policy,\" February 6. <a href=\"http:\/\/www.immigrationpolicy.org\/special-reports\/discrediting-%E2%80%9Cself-deportation%E2%80%9D-immigration-policy\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">http:\/\/www.immigrationpolicy.org\/special-reports\/discrediting-%E2%80%9Cself-deportation%E2%80%9D-immigration-policy<\/a>[\/footnote] The federal government filed suit to block the Arizona law, contending that it conflicted with federal immigration laws. Arizona\u2019s law has also divided society, because some groups, like the Tea Party movement, have supported its tough stance against illegal immigrants, while other groups have opposed it for humanitarian and human-rights reasons. According to a poll of Latino voters in the state by Arizona State University researchers, 81 percent opposed this bill.[footnote]Daniel Gonz\u00e1lez. 2010. \"SB 1070 Backlash Spurs Hispanics to Join Democrats,\" June 8. <a href=\"http:\/\/archive.azcentral.com\/arizonarepublic\/news\/articles\/2010\/06\/08\/20100608arizona-immigration-law-backlash.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">http:\/\/archive.azcentral.com\/arizonarepublic\/news\/articles\/2010\/06\/08\/20100608arizona-immigration-law-backlash.html<\/a>[\/footnote]<\/p>\r\n\r\n<figure id=\"OSC_AmGov_03_04_Arizona\">\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"\" align=\"aligncenter\" width=\"975\"]<img src=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images-archive-read-only\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/1557\/2019\/04\/24201546\/OSC_AmGov_03_04_Arizona.jpg\" alt=\"Image A shows a group of people with signs and flags. Image B shows a sign held above a crowd; the sign shows \" width=\"975\" height=\"363\" data-media-type=\"image\/jpeg\" \/> <strong>Figure 1.<\/strong> Tea Party members in St. Paul, Minnesota, protest amnesty and illegal immigration on November 14, 2009 (a). Following the adoption of Senate Bill 1070 in Arizona, which took a tough stance on illegal immigration, supporters of immigration reform demonstrated across the country in opposition to the bill, including in Lafayette Park (b), located across the street from the White House in Washington, DC. (credit a: modification of work by \"Fibonacci Blue\"\/Flickr; credit b: modification of work by Nevele Otseog)[\/caption]<\/figure>\r\n<p id=\"fs-id1163757313488\">In 2012, in <em data-effect=\"italics\">Arizona v. United States<\/em>, the Supreme Court affirmed federal supremacy on immigration.[footnote]Arizona v. United States, 567 U.S. __ (2012).[\/footnote] The court struck down three of the four central provisions of the Arizona law\u2014namely, those allowing police officers to arrest an undocumented immigrant without a warrant if they had probable cause to think he or she had committed a crime that could lead to deportation, making it a crime to seek a job without proper immigration papers, and making it a crime to be in Arizona without valid immigration papers. The court upheld the \"show me your papers\" provision, which authorizes police officers to check the immigration status of anyone they stop or arrest who they suspect is an illegal immigrant.[footnote]Arizona v. United States, 567 U.S. __ (2012).[\/footnote] However, in letting this provision stand, the court warned Arizona and other states with similar laws that they could face civil rights lawsuits if police officers applied it based on racial profiling.[footnote]Julia Preston, \"Arizona Ruling Only a Narrow Opening for Other States,\" New York Times, 25 June 2012.[\/footnote] All in all, Justice Anthony Kennedy\u2019s opinion embraced an expansive view of the U.S. government\u2019s authority to regulate immigration and aliens, describing it as broad and undoubted. That authority derived from the legislative power of Congress to \"establish a uniform Rule of Naturalization,\" enumerated in the Constitution.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<div id=\"fs-id1163757313990\" class=\"american government link-to-learning\" data-type=\"note\">\r\n<div class=\"textbox exercises\">\r\n<h3>link to learning<\/h3>\r\nArizona\u2019s Senate Bill 1070 has been the subject of heated debate. Read the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.openstax.org\/l\/29azimmigbill\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">views of proponents and opponents<\/a> of the law.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<p id=\"fs-id1163757215516\">Marital rights for gays and lesbians have also significantly changed in recent years. By passing the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) in 1996, the federal government stepped into this policy issue. Not only did DOMA allow states to choose whether to recognize same-sex marriages, it also defined marriage as a union between a man and a woman, which meant that same-sex couples were denied various federal provisions and benefits\u2014such as the right to file joint tax returns and receive Social Security survivor benefits. In 1997, more than half the states in the union had passed some form of legislation banning same-sex marriage. By 2006, two years after Massachusetts became the first state to recognize marriage equality, twenty-seven states had passed constitutional bans on same-sex marriage. In <em data-effect=\"italics\">United States v. Windsor<\/em>, the Supreme Court changed the dynamic established by DOMA by ruling that the federal government had no authority to define marriage. The Court held that states possess the \"historic and essential authority to define the marital relation,\" and that the federal government\u2019s involvement in this area \"departs from this history and tradition of reliance on state law to define marriage.\"[footnote]United States v. Windsor, 570 U.S. __ (2013).[\/footnote]<\/p>\r\n\r\n<div id=\"fs-id1163757220393\" class=\"insider-perspective\" data-type=\"note\">\r\n<div data-type=\"title\">\r\n<div class=\"textbox key-takeaways\">\r\n<h3>Edith Windsor: Icon of the Marriage Equality Movement<\/h3>\r\n<p id=\"fs-id1163757201878\">Edith Windsor, the plaintiff in the landmark Supreme Court case <em data-effect=\"italics\">United States v. Windsor<\/em>, has become an icon of the marriage equality movement for her successful effort to force repeal the DOMA provision that denied married same-sex couples a host of federal provisions and protections. In 2007, after having lived together since the late 1960s, Windsor and her partner Thea Spyer were married in Canada, where same-sex marriage was legal. After Spyer died in 2009, Windsor received a $363,053 federal tax bill on the estate Spyer had left her. Because her marriage was not valid under federal law, her request for the estate-tax exemption that applies to surviving spouses was denied. With the counsel of her lawyer, Roberta Kaplan, Windsor sued the federal government and won.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<figure id=\"OSC_AmGov_03_04_Windsor\"><figcaption>\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"\" align=\"aligncenter\" width=\"975\"]<img style=\"font-size: 1rem; orphans: 1; text-align: initial;\" src=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images-archive-read-only\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/1557\/2019\/04\/24201548\/OSC_AmGov_03_04_Windsor.jpg\" alt=\"Image shows two people at a podium in front of a large crowd on a city street. One person speaks to the crowd, while the other stands next to the podium.\" width=\"975\" height=\"432\" data-media-type=\"image\/jpeg\" \/> <strong>Figure 2.<\/strong> With her client Edith Windsor looking on, attorney Roberta Kaplan speaks to the crowd at the site of the 1969 Stonewall Riots, a historic landmark in the movement for LGBT rights. (credit: \"Boss Tweed\" \/Flickr)[\/caption]\r\n\r\n<\/figcaption><\/figure>\r\n<p id=\"fs-id1163757287027\">Because of the <em data-effect=\"italics\">Windsor<\/em> decision, federal laws could no longer discriminate against same-sex married couples. What is more, marriage equality became a reality in a growing number of states as federal court after federal court overturned state constitutional bans on same-sex marriage. The <em data-effect=\"italics\">Windsor<\/em> case gave federal judges the moment of clarity from the U.S. Supreme Court that they needed. James Esseks, director of the American Civil Liberties Union\u2019s (ACLU) Lesbian Gay Bisexual Transgender &amp; AIDS Project, summarizes the significance of the case as follows: \"Part of what\u2019s gotten us to this exciting moment in American culture is not just Edie\u2019s lawsuit but the story of her life. The love at the core of that story, as well as the injustice at its end, is part of what has moved America on this issue so profoundly.\"[footnote]James Esseks. 2014. \"Op-ed: In the Wake of Windsor,\" June 26. <a href=\"http:\/\/www.advocate.com\/commentary\/2014\/06\/26\/op-ed-wake-windsor\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">http:\/\/www.advocate.com\/commentary\/2014\/06\/26\/op-ed-wake-windsor<\/a> (June 24, 2015).[\/footnote] In the final analysis, same-sex marriage is a protected constitutional right as decided by the U.S. Supreme Court, which took up the issue again when it heard <em data-effect=\"italics\">Obergefell v. Hodges<\/em> in 2015.<\/p>\r\n<p id=\"fs-id1163757182157\"><em data-effect=\"italics\">What role do you feel the story of Edith Windsor played in reframing the debate over same-sex marriage? How do you think it changed the federal government\u2019s view of its role in legislation regarding same-sex marriage relative to the role of the states?<\/em><\/p>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<p id=\"fs-id1163757196546\">Following the <em data-effect=\"italics\">Windsor<\/em> decision, the number of states that recognized same-sex marriages increased rapidly, as illustrated in\u00a0<strong>Figure 3<\/strong>. In 2015, marriage equality was recognized in thirty-six states plus Washington, DC, up from seventeen in 2013. The diffusion of marriage equality across states was driven in large part by federal district and appeals courts, which have used the rationale underpinning the <em data-effect=\"italics\">Windsor<\/em> case (i.e., laws cannot discriminate between same-sex and opposite-sex couples based on the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment) to invalidate state bans on same-sex marriage. The 2014 court decision not to hear a collection of cases from four different states essentially affirmed same-sex marriage in thirty states. And in 2015 the Supreme Court gave same-sex marriage a constitutional basis of right nationwide in <em data-effect=\"italics\">Obergefell v. Hodges<\/em>. In sum, as the immigration and marriage equality examples illustrate, constitutional disputes have arisen as states and the federal government have sought to reposition themselves on certain policy issues, disputes that the federal courts have had to sort out.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<figure id=\"OSC_AmGov_03_04_METrend\"><figcaption>\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"\" align=\"aligncenter\" width=\"975\"]<img style=\"font-size: 1rem; orphans: 1; text-align: initial;\" src=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images-archive-read-only\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/1557\/2019\/04\/24201551\/OSC_AmGov_03_04_METrend.jpg\" alt=\"This graph shows the states which practiced marriage equality in 2015, and its growth since 2009. States labeled as practicing marriage equality in 2015 are Alaska, Washington, Oregon, California, Hawaii, Montana, Idaho, Nevada, Wyoming, Utah, Arizona, Colorado, New Mexico, Minnesota, Iowa, Kansas, Oklahoma, Wisconsin, Illinois, Indiana, West Virginia, Virginia, Vermont, New York, Pennsylvania, Washington DC, North Carolina, South Carolina, New Hampshire, Connecticut, New Jersey, Maryland, Delaware, Rhode Island, Massachusetts, and Maine. The states that have banned it are North Dakota, South Dakota, Nebraska, Michigan, Ohio, Missouri, Kentucky, Arkansas, Tennessee, Texas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Georgia, and Florida. Alabama is labeled as disputed on this map. Below this graph are four smaller graphs, showing the spread of marriage equality across the US since 2009. The first graph shows only a few states like Vermont, Connecticut, Massachusetts and Iowa having marriage equality in 2009, with equality spreading to New York, New Hampshire, and Washington DC in 2011. 2013 shows a wider spread across the east to Maine, Rhode Island, New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, Minnesota, New Mexico, Hawaii, California, and Washington.\" width=\"975\" height=\"675\" data-media-type=\"image\/jpeg\" \/> <strong>Figure 3.<\/strong> The number of states that practiced marriage equality gradually increased between 2008 and 2015, with the fastest increase occurring between United States v. Windsor in 2013 and Obergefell v. Hodges in 2015.[\/caption]\r\n\r\n<\/figcaption><\/figure>\r\n<\/section><section id=\"fs-id1163757274333\" data-depth=\"1\">\r\n<h3 data-type=\"title\">STRATEGIZING ABOUT NEW ISSUES<\/h3>\r\n<p id=\"fs-id1163757313944\">Mothers Against Drunk Driving (MADD) was established in 1980 by a woman whose thirteen-year-old daughter had been killed by a drunk driver. The organization lobbied state legislators to raise the drinking age and impose tougher penalties, but without success. States with lower drinking ages had an economic interest in maintaining them because they lured youths from neighboring states with restricted consumption laws. So MADD decided to redirect its lobbying efforts at Congress, hoping to find sympathetic representatives willing to take action. In 1984, the federal government passed the National Minimum Drinking Age Act (NMDAA), a crosscutting mandate that gradually reduced federal highway grant money to any state that failed to increase the legal age for alcohol purchase and possession to twenty-one. After losing a legal battle against the NMDAA, all states were in compliance by 1988.[footnote]South Dakota v. Dole, 483 U.S. 203 (1987).[\/footnote]<\/p>\r\n<p id=\"fs-id1163757193249\">By creating two institutional access points\u2014the federal and state governments\u2014the U.S. federal system enables interest groups such as MADD to strategize about how best to achieve their policy objectives. The term <strong>venue shopping<\/strong> refers to a strategy in which interest groups select the level and branch of government (legislature, judiciary, or executive) they calculate will be most advantageous for them.[footnote]Frank Baumgartner and Bryan Jones. 1993. Agendas and Instability in American Politics. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.[\/footnote] If one institutional venue proves unreceptive to an advocacy group\u2019s policy goal, as state legislators were to MADD, the group will attempt to steer its issue to a more responsive venue.<\/p>\r\n<p id=\"fs-id1163757312756\">The strategy anti-abortion advocates have used in recent years is another example of venue shopping. In their attempts to limit abortion rights in the wake of the 1973 <em data-effect=\"italics\">Roe v. Wade<\/em> Supreme Court decision making abortion legal nationwide, anti-abortion advocates initially targeted Congress in hopes of obtaining restrictive legislation.[footnote]Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113 (1973).[\/footnote] Lack of progress at the national level prompted them to shift their focus to state legislators, where their advocacy efforts have been more successful. By 2015, for example, thirty-eight states required some form of parental involvement in a minor\u2019s decision to have an abortion, forty-six states allowed individual health-care providers to refuse to participate in abortions, and thirty-two states prohibited the use of public funds to carry out an abortion except when the woman\u2019s life is in danger or the pregnancy is the result of rape or incest. While 31 percent of U.S. women of childbearing age resided in one of the thirteen states that had passed restrictive abortion laws in 2000, by 2013, about 56 percent of such women resided in one of the twenty-seven states where abortion is restricted.[footnote]Elizabeth Nash et al. 2013. \"Laws Affecting Reproductive Health and Rights: 2013 State Policy Review.\" <a href=\"http:\/\/www.guttmacher.org\/statecenter\/updates\/2013\/statetrends42013.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">http:\/\/www.guttmacher.org\/statecenter\/updates\/2013\/statetrends42013.html<\/a> (June 24, 2015).[\/footnote]<\/p>\r\n\r\n<\/section><section id=\"fs-id1163757277291\" class=\"summary\" data-depth=\"1\">\r\n<h2>Summary<\/h2>\r\n<p id=\"fs-id1163757204907\">Some policy areas have been redefined as a result of changes in the roles that states and the federal government play in them. The constitutional disputes these changes often trigger have had to be sorted out by the Supreme Court. Contemporary federalism has also witnessed interest groups engaging in venue shopping. Aware of the multiple access points to our political system, such groups seek to access the level of government they deem will be most receptive to their policy views.<span style=\"font-size: 1em;\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\r\n\r\n<\/section><section id=\"fs-id1163757263446\" class=\"review-questions\" data-depth=\"1\">\r\n<div id=\"fs-id1163757253230\" data-type=\"exercise\">\r\n<div id=\"fs-id1163757211714\" data-type=\"solution\">\r\n<div class=\"textbox tryit\">\r\n<h3>Try It<\/h3>\r\nhttps:\/\/assessments.lumenlearning.com\/assessments\/15788\r\n\r\nhttps:\/\/assessments.lumenlearning.com\/assessments\/15789\r\n\r\nhttps:\/\/assessments.lumenlearning.com\/assessments\/15790\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<div id=\"fs-id1163757190068\" data-type=\"exercise\">\r\n<div id=\"fs-id1163757224509\" data-type=\"problem\">\r\n<div class=\"textbox learning-objectives\">\r\n<h3>think it over<\/h3>\r\n<ul>\r\n \t<li>What does venue shopping mean?<\/li>\r\n<\/ul>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/section>\r\n<div data-type=\"glossary\">\r\n<dl id=\"fs-id1163757189226\">\r\n \t<dt>\r\n<div class=\"textbox key-takeaways\">\r\n<h3>glossary<\/h3>\r\n<div data-type=\"glossary\">\r\n<dl id=\"fs-id1163757189226\">\r\n \t<dt>Immigration Federalism<\/dt>\r\n \t<dd id=\"fs-id1163757247890\">the gradual movement of states into the immigration policy domain traditionally handled by the federal government<\/dd>\r\n<\/dl>\r\n<dl id=\"fs-id1163757251899\">\r\n \t<dt>Venue Shopping<\/dt>\r\n \t<dd id=\"fs-id1163757196151\">a strategy in which interest groups select the level and branch of government they calculate will be most receptive to their policy goals<\/dd>\r\n<\/dl>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/dt>\r\n<\/dl>\r\n<\/div>","rendered":"<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<section id=\"fs-id1163757196886\" class=\"learning-objectives\" data-depth=\"1\">\n<h3>Learning Outcomes<\/h3>\n<p id=\"fs-id1163757251693\">By the end of this section, you will be able to:<\/p>\n<ul id=\"fs-id1163757263620\">\n<li>Explain the dynamic of competitive federalism<\/li>\n<li>Analyze some issues over which the states and federal government have contended<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/section>\n<p id=\"fs-id1163757245637\">Certain functions clearly belong to the federal government, the state governments, and local governments. National security is a federal matter, the issuance of licenses is a state matter, and garbage collection is a local matter. One aspect of competitive federalism today is that some policy issues, such as immigration and the marital rights of gays and lesbians, have been redefined as the roles that states and the federal government play in them have changed. Another aspect of competitive federalism is that interest groups seeking to change the status quo can take a policy issue up to the federal government or down to the states if they feel it is to their advantage. Interest groups have used this strategy to promote their views on such issues as abortion, gun control, and the legal drinking age.<\/p>\n<section id=\"fs-id1163757309872\" data-depth=\"1\">\n<h3 data-type=\"title\">CONTENDING ISSUES<\/h3>\n<p id=\"fs-id1163757201947\">Immigration and marriage equality have not been the subject of much contention between states and the federal government until recent decades. Before that, it was understood that the federal government handled immigration and states determined the legality of same-sex marriage. This understanding of exclusive responsibilities has changed; today both levels of government play roles in these two policy areas.<\/p>\n<p id=\"fs-id1163757210641\"><strong>Immigration federalism<\/strong> describes the gradual movement of states into the immigration policy domain.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Carol M. Swain and Virgina M. Yetter. (2014). &quot;Federalism and the Politics of Immigration Reform.&quot; In The Politics of Major Policy Reform in Postwar America, eds. Jeffery A. Jenkins and Sidney M. Milkis. New York: Cambridge University Press.\" id=\"return-footnote-91-1\" href=\"#footnote-91-1\" aria-label=\"Footnote 1\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[1]<\/sup><\/a> Since the late 1990s, states have asserted a right to make immigration policy on the grounds that they are enforcing, not supplanting, the nation\u2019s immigration laws, and they are exercising their jurisdictional authority by restricting illegal immigrants\u2019 access to education, health care, and welfare benefits, areas that fall under the states\u2019 responsibilities. In 2005, twenty-five states had enacted a total of thirty-nine laws related to immigration; by 2014, forty-three states and Washington, DC, had passed a total of 288 immigration-related laws and resolutions.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"National Conference of State Legislatures. &quot;State Laws Related to Immigration and Immigrants.&quot; http:\/\/www.ncsl.org\/research\/immigration\/state-laws-related-to-immigration-and-immigrants.aspx (June 23, 2015).\" id=\"return-footnote-91-2\" href=\"#footnote-91-2\" aria-label=\"Footnote 2\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[2]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p id=\"fs-id1163757266370\">Arizona has been one of the states at the forefront of immigration federalism. In 2010, it passed Senate Bill 1070, which sought to make it so difficult for illegal immigrants to live in the state that they would return to their native country, a strategy referred to as &#8220;attrition by enforcement.&#8221;<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Michele Waslin. 2012. &quot;Discrediting \u2018Self Deportation\u2019 as Immigration Policy,&quot; February 6. http:\/\/www.immigrationpolicy.org\/special-reports\/discrediting-%E2%80%9Cself-deportation%E2%80%9D-immigration-policy\" id=\"return-footnote-91-3\" href=\"#footnote-91-3\" aria-label=\"Footnote 3\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[3]<\/sup><\/a> The federal government filed suit to block the Arizona law, contending that it conflicted with federal immigration laws. Arizona\u2019s law has also divided society, because some groups, like the Tea Party movement, have supported its tough stance against illegal immigrants, while other groups have opposed it for humanitarian and human-rights reasons. According to a poll of Latino voters in the state by Arizona State University researchers, 81 percent opposed this bill.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Daniel Gonz\u00e1lez. 2010. &quot;SB 1070 Backlash Spurs Hispanics to Join Democrats,&quot; June 8. http:\/\/archive.azcentral.com\/arizonarepublic\/news\/articles\/2010\/06\/08\/20100608arizona-immigration-law-backlash.html\" id=\"return-footnote-91-4\" href=\"#footnote-91-4\" aria-label=\"Footnote 4\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[4]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<figure id=\"OSC_AmGov_03_04_Arizona\">\n<div style=\"width: 985px\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images-archive-read-only\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/1557\/2019\/04\/24201546\/OSC_AmGov_03_04_Arizona.jpg\" alt=\"Image A shows a group of people with signs and flags. Image B shows a sign held above a crowd; the sign shows\" width=\"975\" height=\"363\" data-media-type=\"image\/jpeg\" \/><\/p>\n<p class=\"wp-caption-text\"><strong>Figure 1.<\/strong> Tea Party members in St. Paul, Minnesota, protest amnesty and illegal immigration on November 14, 2009 (a). Following the adoption of Senate Bill 1070 in Arizona, which took a tough stance on illegal immigration, supporters of immigration reform demonstrated across the country in opposition to the bill, including in Lafayette Park (b), located across the street from the White House in Washington, DC. (credit a: modification of work by &#8220;Fibonacci Blue&#8221;\/Flickr; credit b: modification of work by Nevele Otseog)<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/figure>\n<p id=\"fs-id1163757313488\">In 2012, in <em data-effect=\"italics\">Arizona v. United States<\/em>, the Supreme Court affirmed federal supremacy on immigration.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Arizona v. United States, 567 U.S. __ (2012).\" id=\"return-footnote-91-5\" href=\"#footnote-91-5\" aria-label=\"Footnote 5\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[5]<\/sup><\/a> The court struck down three of the four central provisions of the Arizona law\u2014namely, those allowing police officers to arrest an undocumented immigrant without a warrant if they had probable cause to think he or she had committed a crime that could lead to deportation, making it a crime to seek a job without proper immigration papers, and making it a crime to be in Arizona without valid immigration papers. The court upheld the &#8220;show me your papers&#8221; provision, which authorizes police officers to check the immigration status of anyone they stop or arrest who they suspect is an illegal immigrant.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Arizona v. United States, 567 U.S. __ (2012).\" id=\"return-footnote-91-6\" href=\"#footnote-91-6\" aria-label=\"Footnote 6\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[6]<\/sup><\/a> However, in letting this provision stand, the court warned Arizona and other states with similar laws that they could face civil rights lawsuits if police officers applied it based on racial profiling.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Julia Preston, &quot;Arizona Ruling Only a Narrow Opening for Other States,&quot; New York Times, 25 June 2012.\" id=\"return-footnote-91-7\" href=\"#footnote-91-7\" aria-label=\"Footnote 7\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[7]<\/sup><\/a> All in all, Justice Anthony Kennedy\u2019s opinion embraced an expansive view of the U.S. government\u2019s authority to regulate immigration and aliens, describing it as broad and undoubted. That authority derived from the legislative power of Congress to &#8220;establish a uniform Rule of Naturalization,&#8221; enumerated in the Constitution.<\/p>\n<div id=\"fs-id1163757313990\" class=\"american government link-to-learning\" data-type=\"note\">\n<div class=\"textbox exercises\">\n<h3>link to learning<\/h3>\n<p>Arizona\u2019s Senate Bill 1070 has been the subject of heated debate. Read the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.openstax.org\/l\/29azimmigbill\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">views of proponents and opponents<\/a> of the law.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<p id=\"fs-id1163757215516\">Marital rights for gays and lesbians have also significantly changed in recent years. By passing the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) in 1996, the federal government stepped into this policy issue. Not only did DOMA allow states to choose whether to recognize same-sex marriages, it also defined marriage as a union between a man and a woman, which meant that same-sex couples were denied various federal provisions and benefits\u2014such as the right to file joint tax returns and receive Social Security survivor benefits. In 1997, more than half the states in the union had passed some form of legislation banning same-sex marriage. By 2006, two years after Massachusetts became the first state to recognize marriage equality, twenty-seven states had passed constitutional bans on same-sex marriage. In <em data-effect=\"italics\">United States v. Windsor<\/em>, the Supreme Court changed the dynamic established by DOMA by ruling that the federal government had no authority to define marriage. The Court held that states possess the &#8220;historic and essential authority to define the marital relation,&#8221; and that the federal government\u2019s involvement in this area &#8220;departs from this history and tradition of reliance on state law to define marriage.&#8221;<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"United States v. Windsor, 570 U.S. __ (2013).\" id=\"return-footnote-91-8\" href=\"#footnote-91-8\" aria-label=\"Footnote 8\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[8]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<div id=\"fs-id1163757220393\" class=\"insider-perspective\" data-type=\"note\">\n<div data-type=\"title\">\n<div class=\"textbox key-takeaways\">\n<h3>Edith Windsor: Icon of the Marriage Equality Movement<\/h3>\n<p id=\"fs-id1163757201878\">Edith Windsor, the plaintiff in the landmark Supreme Court case <em data-effect=\"italics\">United States v. Windsor<\/em>, has become an icon of the marriage equality movement for her successful effort to force repeal the DOMA provision that denied married same-sex couples a host of federal provisions and protections. In 2007, after having lived together since the late 1960s, Windsor and her partner Thea Spyer were married in Canada, where same-sex marriage was legal. After Spyer died in 2009, Windsor received a $363,053 federal tax bill on the estate Spyer had left her. Because her marriage was not valid under federal law, her request for the estate-tax exemption that applies to surviving spouses was denied. With the counsel of her lawyer, Roberta Kaplan, Windsor sued the federal government and won.<\/p>\n<figure id=\"OSC_AmGov_03_04_Windsor\"><figcaption>\n<div style=\"width: 985px\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" style=\"font-size: 1rem; orphans: 1; text-align: initial;\" src=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images-archive-read-only\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/1557\/2019\/04\/24201548\/OSC_AmGov_03_04_Windsor.jpg\" alt=\"Image shows two people at a podium in front of a large crowd on a city street. One person speaks to the crowd, while the other stands next to the podium.\" width=\"975\" height=\"432\" data-media-type=\"image\/jpeg\" \/><\/p>\n<p class=\"wp-caption-text\"><strong>Figure 2.<\/strong> With her client Edith Windsor looking on, attorney Roberta Kaplan speaks to the crowd at the site of the 1969 Stonewall Riots, a historic landmark in the movement for LGBT rights. (credit: &#8220;Boss Tweed&#8221; \/Flickr)<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p id=\"fs-id1163757287027\">Because of the <em data-effect=\"italics\">Windsor<\/em> decision, federal laws could no longer discriminate against same-sex married couples. What is more, marriage equality became a reality in a growing number of states as federal court after federal court overturned state constitutional bans on same-sex marriage. The <em data-effect=\"italics\">Windsor<\/em> case gave federal judges the moment of clarity from the U.S. Supreme Court that they needed. James Esseks, director of the American Civil Liberties Union\u2019s (ACLU) Lesbian Gay Bisexual Transgender &amp; AIDS Project, summarizes the significance of the case as follows: &#8220;Part of what\u2019s gotten us to this exciting moment in American culture is not just Edie\u2019s lawsuit but the story of her life. The love at the core of that story, as well as the injustice at its end, is part of what has moved America on this issue so profoundly.&#8221;<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"James Esseks. 2014. &quot;Op-ed: In the Wake of Windsor,&quot; June 26. http:\/\/www.advocate.com\/commentary\/2014\/06\/26\/op-ed-wake-windsor (June 24, 2015).\" id=\"return-footnote-91-9\" href=\"#footnote-91-9\" aria-label=\"Footnote 9\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[9]<\/sup><\/a> In the final analysis, same-sex marriage is a protected constitutional right as decided by the U.S. Supreme Court, which took up the issue again when it heard <em data-effect=\"italics\">Obergefell v. Hodges<\/em> in 2015.<\/p>\n<p id=\"fs-id1163757182157\"><em data-effect=\"italics\">What role do you feel the story of Edith Windsor played in reframing the debate over same-sex marriage? How do you think it changed the federal government\u2019s view of its role in legislation regarding same-sex marriage relative to the role of the states?<\/em><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<p id=\"fs-id1163757196546\">Following the <em data-effect=\"italics\">Windsor<\/em> decision, the number of states that recognized same-sex marriages increased rapidly, as illustrated in\u00a0<strong>Figure 3<\/strong>. In 2015, marriage equality was recognized in thirty-six states plus Washington, DC, up from seventeen in 2013. The diffusion of marriage equality across states was driven in large part by federal district and appeals courts, which have used the rationale underpinning the <em data-effect=\"italics\">Windsor<\/em> case (i.e., laws cannot discriminate between same-sex and opposite-sex couples based on the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment) to invalidate state bans on same-sex marriage. The 2014 court decision not to hear a collection of cases from four different states essentially affirmed same-sex marriage in thirty states. And in 2015 the Supreme Court gave same-sex marriage a constitutional basis of right nationwide in <em data-effect=\"italics\">Obergefell v. Hodges<\/em>. In sum, as the immigration and marriage equality examples illustrate, constitutional disputes have arisen as states and the federal government have sought to reposition themselves on certain policy issues, disputes that the federal courts have had to sort out.<\/p>\n<figure id=\"OSC_AmGov_03_04_METrend\"><figcaption>\n<div style=\"width: 985px\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" style=\"font-size: 1rem; orphans: 1; text-align: initial;\" src=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images-archive-read-only\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/1557\/2019\/04\/24201551\/OSC_AmGov_03_04_METrend.jpg\" alt=\"This graph shows the states which practiced marriage equality in 2015, and its growth since 2009. States labeled as practicing marriage equality in 2015 are Alaska, Washington, Oregon, California, Hawaii, Montana, Idaho, Nevada, Wyoming, Utah, Arizona, Colorado, New Mexico, Minnesota, Iowa, Kansas, Oklahoma, Wisconsin, Illinois, Indiana, West Virginia, Virginia, Vermont, New York, Pennsylvania, Washington DC, North Carolina, South Carolina, New Hampshire, Connecticut, New Jersey, Maryland, Delaware, Rhode Island, Massachusetts, and Maine. The states that have banned it are North Dakota, South Dakota, Nebraska, Michigan, Ohio, Missouri, Kentucky, Arkansas, Tennessee, Texas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Georgia, and Florida. Alabama is labeled as disputed on this map. Below this graph are four smaller graphs, showing the spread of marriage equality across the US since 2009. The first graph shows only a few states like Vermont, Connecticut, Massachusetts and Iowa having marriage equality in 2009, with equality spreading to New York, New Hampshire, and Washington DC in 2011. 2013 shows a wider spread across the east to Maine, Rhode Island, New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, Minnesota, New Mexico, Hawaii, California, and Washington.\" width=\"975\" height=\"675\" data-media-type=\"image\/jpeg\" \/><\/p>\n<p class=\"wp-caption-text\"><strong>Figure 3.<\/strong> The number of states that practiced marriage equality gradually increased between 2008 and 2015, with the fastest increase occurring between United States v. Windsor in 2013 and Obergefell v. Hodges in 2015.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/section>\n<section id=\"fs-id1163757274333\" data-depth=\"1\">\n<h3 data-type=\"title\">STRATEGIZING ABOUT NEW ISSUES<\/h3>\n<p id=\"fs-id1163757313944\">Mothers Against Drunk Driving (MADD) was established in 1980 by a woman whose thirteen-year-old daughter had been killed by a drunk driver. The organization lobbied state legislators to raise the drinking age and impose tougher penalties, but without success. States with lower drinking ages had an economic interest in maintaining them because they lured youths from neighboring states with restricted consumption laws. So MADD decided to redirect its lobbying efforts at Congress, hoping to find sympathetic representatives willing to take action. In 1984, the federal government passed the National Minimum Drinking Age Act (NMDAA), a crosscutting mandate that gradually reduced federal highway grant money to any state that failed to increase the legal age for alcohol purchase and possession to twenty-one. After losing a legal battle against the NMDAA, all states were in compliance by 1988.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"South Dakota v. Dole, 483 U.S. 203 (1987).\" id=\"return-footnote-91-10\" href=\"#footnote-91-10\" aria-label=\"Footnote 10\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[10]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p id=\"fs-id1163757193249\">By creating two institutional access points\u2014the federal and state governments\u2014the U.S. federal system enables interest groups such as MADD to strategize about how best to achieve their policy objectives. The term <strong>venue shopping<\/strong> refers to a strategy in which interest groups select the level and branch of government (legislature, judiciary, or executive) they calculate will be most advantageous for them.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Frank Baumgartner and Bryan Jones. 1993. Agendas and Instability in American Politics. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.\" id=\"return-footnote-91-11\" href=\"#footnote-91-11\" aria-label=\"Footnote 11\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[11]<\/sup><\/a> If one institutional venue proves unreceptive to an advocacy group\u2019s policy goal, as state legislators were to MADD, the group will attempt to steer its issue to a more responsive venue.<\/p>\n<p id=\"fs-id1163757312756\">The strategy anti-abortion advocates have used in recent years is another example of venue shopping. In their attempts to limit abortion rights in the wake of the 1973 <em data-effect=\"italics\">Roe v. Wade<\/em> Supreme Court decision making abortion legal nationwide, anti-abortion advocates initially targeted Congress in hopes of obtaining restrictive legislation.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113 (1973).\" id=\"return-footnote-91-12\" href=\"#footnote-91-12\" aria-label=\"Footnote 12\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[12]<\/sup><\/a> Lack of progress at the national level prompted them to shift their focus to state legislators, where their advocacy efforts have been more successful. By 2015, for example, thirty-eight states required some form of parental involvement in a minor\u2019s decision to have an abortion, forty-six states allowed individual health-care providers to refuse to participate in abortions, and thirty-two states prohibited the use of public funds to carry out an abortion except when the woman\u2019s life is in danger or the pregnancy is the result of rape or incest. While 31 percent of U.S. women of childbearing age resided in one of the thirteen states that had passed restrictive abortion laws in 2000, by 2013, about 56 percent of such women resided in one of the twenty-seven states where abortion is restricted.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Elizabeth Nash et al. 2013. &quot;Laws Affecting Reproductive Health and Rights: 2013 State Policy Review.&quot; http:\/\/www.guttmacher.org\/statecenter\/updates\/2013\/statetrends42013.html (June 24, 2015).\" id=\"return-footnote-91-13\" href=\"#footnote-91-13\" aria-label=\"Footnote 13\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/section>\n<section id=\"fs-id1163757277291\" class=\"summary\" data-depth=\"1\">\n<h2>Summary<\/h2>\n<p id=\"fs-id1163757204907\">Some policy areas have been redefined as a result of changes in the roles that states and the federal government play in them. The constitutional disputes these changes often trigger have had to be sorted out by the Supreme Court. Contemporary federalism has also witnessed interest groups engaging in venue shopping. Aware of the multiple access points to our political system, such groups seek to access the level of government they deem will be most receptive to their policy views.<span style=\"font-size: 1em;\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<\/section>\n<section id=\"fs-id1163757263446\" class=\"review-questions\" data-depth=\"1\">\n<div id=\"fs-id1163757253230\" data-type=\"exercise\">\n<div id=\"fs-id1163757211714\" data-type=\"solution\">\n<div class=\"textbox tryit\">\n<h3>Try It<\/h3>\n<p>\t<iframe id=\"lumen_assessment_15788\" class=\"resizable\" src=\"https:\/\/assessments.lumenlearning.com\/assessments\/load?assessment_id=15788&#38;embed=1&#38;external_user_id=&#38;external_context_id=&#38;iframe_resize_id=lumen_assessment_15788\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;width:100%;height:100%;min-height:400px;\"><br \/>\n\t<\/iframe><\/p>\n<p>\t<iframe id=\"lumen_assessment_15789\" class=\"resizable\" src=\"https:\/\/assessments.lumenlearning.com\/assessments\/load?assessment_id=15789&#38;embed=1&#38;external_user_id=&#38;external_context_id=&#38;iframe_resize_id=lumen_assessment_15789\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;width:100%;height:100%;min-height:400px;\"><br \/>\n\t<\/iframe><\/p>\n<p>\t<iframe id=\"lumen_assessment_15790\" class=\"resizable\" src=\"https:\/\/assessments.lumenlearning.com\/assessments\/load?assessment_id=15790&#38;embed=1&#38;external_user_id=&#38;external_context_id=&#38;iframe_resize_id=lumen_assessment_15790\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;width:100%;height:100%;min-height:400px;\"><br \/>\n\t<\/iframe><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div id=\"fs-id1163757190068\" data-type=\"exercise\">\n<div id=\"fs-id1163757224509\" data-type=\"problem\">\n<div class=\"textbox learning-objectives\">\n<h3>think it over<\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>What does venue shopping mean?<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/section>\n<div data-type=\"glossary\">\n<dl id=\"fs-id1163757189226\">\n<dt>\n<\/dt>\n<div class=\"textbox key-takeaways\">\n<h3>glossary<\/h3>\n<div data-type=\"glossary\">\n<dl id=\"fs-id1163757189226\">\n<dt>Immigration Federalism<\/dt>\n<dd id=\"fs-id1163757247890\">the gradual movement of states into the immigration policy domain traditionally handled by the federal government<\/dd>\n<\/dl>\n<dl id=\"fs-id1163757251899\">\n<dt>Venue Shopping<\/dt>\n<dd id=\"fs-id1163757196151\">a strategy in which interest groups select the level and branch of government they calculate will be most receptive to their policy goals<\/dd>\n<\/dl>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/dl>\n<\/div>\n\n\t\t\t <section class=\"citations-section\" role=\"contentinfo\">\n\t\t\t <h3>Candela Citations<\/h3>\n\t\t\t\t\t <div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t <div id=\"citation-list-91\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t <div class=\"licensing\"><div class=\"license-attribution-dropdown-subheading\">CC licensed content, Shared previously<\/div><ul class=\"citation-list\"><li>American Government 2e. <strong>Authored by<\/strong>: OpenStax. <strong>Located at<\/strong>: <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"https:\/\/cnx.org\/contents\/nY32AU8S@5.1:xJJkKaSK@5\/Preface\">https:\/\/cnx.org\/contents\/nY32AU8S@5.1:xJJkKaSK@5\/Preface<\/a>. <strong>License<\/strong>: <em><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"license\" href=\"https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/licenses\/by\/4.0\/\">CC BY: Attribution<\/a><\/em>. <strong>License Terms<\/strong>: Download for free at http:\/\/cnx.org\/contents\/9d8df601-4f12-4ac1-8224-b450bf739e5f@5.1<\/li><\/ul><\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t <\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t <\/div>\n\t\t\t <\/section><hr class=\"before-footnotes clear\" \/><div class=\"footnotes\"><ol><li id=\"footnote-91-1\">Carol M. Swain and Virgina M. Yetter. (2014). \"Federalism and the Politics of Immigration Reform.\" In The Politics of Major Policy Reform in Postwar America, eds. Jeffery A. Jenkins and Sidney M. Milkis. New York: Cambridge University Press. <a href=\"#return-footnote-91-1\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 1\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-91-2\">National Conference of State Legislatures. \"State Laws Related to Immigration and Immigrants.\" <a href=\"http:\/\/www.ncsl.org\/research\/immigration\/state-laws-related-to-immigration-and-immigrants.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">http:\/\/www.ncsl.org\/research\/immigration\/state-laws-related-to-immigration-and-immigrants.aspx<\/a> (June 23, 2015). <a href=\"#return-footnote-91-2\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 2\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-91-3\">Michele Waslin. 2012. \"Discrediting \u2018Self Deportation\u2019 as Immigration Policy,\" February 6. <a href=\"http:\/\/www.immigrationpolicy.org\/special-reports\/discrediting-%E2%80%9Cself-deportation%E2%80%9D-immigration-policy\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">http:\/\/www.immigrationpolicy.org\/special-reports\/discrediting-%E2%80%9Cself-deportation%E2%80%9D-immigration-policy<\/a> <a href=\"#return-footnote-91-3\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 3\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-91-4\">Daniel Gonz\u00e1lez. 2010. \"SB 1070 Backlash Spurs Hispanics to Join Democrats,\" June 8. <a href=\"http:\/\/archive.azcentral.com\/arizonarepublic\/news\/articles\/2010\/06\/08\/20100608arizona-immigration-law-backlash.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">http:\/\/archive.azcentral.com\/arizonarepublic\/news\/articles\/2010\/06\/08\/20100608arizona-immigration-law-backlash.html<\/a> <a href=\"#return-footnote-91-4\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 4\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-91-5\">Arizona v. United States, 567 U.S. __ (2012). <a href=\"#return-footnote-91-5\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 5\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-91-6\">Arizona v. United States, 567 U.S. __ (2012). <a href=\"#return-footnote-91-6\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 6\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-91-7\">Julia Preston, \"Arizona Ruling Only a Narrow Opening for Other States,\" New York Times, 25 June 2012. <a href=\"#return-footnote-91-7\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 7\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-91-8\">United States v. Windsor, 570 U.S. __ (2013). <a href=\"#return-footnote-91-8\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 8\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-91-9\">James Esseks. 2014. \"Op-ed: In the Wake of Windsor,\" June 26. <a href=\"http:\/\/www.advocate.com\/commentary\/2014\/06\/26\/op-ed-wake-windsor\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">http:\/\/www.advocate.com\/commentary\/2014\/06\/26\/op-ed-wake-windsor<\/a> (June 24, 2015). <a href=\"#return-footnote-91-9\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 9\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-91-10\">South Dakota v. Dole, 483 U.S. 203 (1987). <a href=\"#return-footnote-91-10\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 10\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-91-11\">Frank Baumgartner and Bryan Jones. 1993. Agendas and Instability in American Politics. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. <a href=\"#return-footnote-91-11\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 11\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-91-12\">Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113 (1973). <a href=\"#return-footnote-91-12\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 12\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-91-13\">Elizabeth Nash et al. 2013. \"Laws Affecting Reproductive Health and Rights: 2013 State Policy Review.\" <a href=\"http:\/\/www.guttmacher.org\/statecenter\/updates\/2013\/statetrends42013.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">http:\/\/www.guttmacher.org\/statecenter\/updates\/2013\/statetrends42013.html<\/a> (June 24, 2015). <a href=\"#return-footnote-91-13\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 13\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><\/ol><\/div>","protected":false},"author":45325,"menu_order":5,"template":"","meta":{"_candela_citation":"[{\"type\":\"cc\",\"description\":\"American Government 2e\",\"author\":\"OpenStax\",\"organization\":\"\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/cnx.org\/contents\/nY32AU8S@5.1:xJJkKaSK@5\/Preface\",\"project\":\"\",\"license\":\"cc-by\",\"license_terms\":\"Download for free at http:\/\/cnx.org\/contents\/9d8df601-4f12-4ac1-8224-b450bf739e5f@5.1\"}]","CANDELA_OUTCOMES_GUID":"","pb_show_title":"on","pb_short_title":"","pb_subtitle":"","pb_authors":[],"pb_section_license":""},"chapter-type":[],"contributor":[],"license":[],"class_list":["post-91","chapter","type-chapter","status-publish","hentry"],"part":69,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/suny-tompkinscortland-amgovernment\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/91","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/suny-tompkinscortland-amgovernment\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/suny-tompkinscortland-amgovernment\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/chapter"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/suny-tompkinscortland-amgovernment\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/45325"}],"version-history":[{"count":13,"href":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/suny-tompkinscortland-amgovernment\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/91\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":2012,"href":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/suny-tompkinscortland-amgovernment\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/91\/revisions\/2012"}],"part":[{"href":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/suny-tompkinscortland-amgovernment\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/parts\/69"}],"metadata":[{"href":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/suny-tompkinscortland-amgovernment\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/91\/metadata\/"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/suny-tompkinscortland-amgovernment\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=91"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"chapter-type","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/suny-tompkinscortland-amgovernment\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapter-type?post=91"},{"taxonomy":"contributor","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/suny-tompkinscortland-amgovernment\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/contributor?post=91"},{"taxonomy":"license","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/suny-tompkinscortland-amgovernment\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/license?post=91"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}