{"id":304,"date":"2015-08-21T17:59:31","date_gmt":"2015-08-21T17:59:31","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/courses.candelalearning.com\/ushistory1os2xmaster\/?post_type=chapter&#038;p=304"},"modified":"2022-10-21T04:31:19","modified_gmt":"2022-10-21T04:31:19","slug":"a-new-political-style","status":"publish","type":"chapter","link":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/wm-ushistory1\/chapter\/a-new-political-style\/","title":{"raw":"A New Political Style","rendered":"A New Political Style"},"content":{"raw":"<div class=\"bcc-box bcc-highlight\">\r\n<h3>Learning Objectives<\/h3>\r\n<ul class=\"im_orderedlist\">\r\n \t<li>Explain the new style of American politics in the 1820s<\/li>\r\n<\/ul>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<figure id=\"CNX_History_10_01_Timeline\" class=\"timeline\"><span data-type=\"media\" data-alt=\"A timeline shows important events of the era. In 1824, John Quincy Adams is elected president in a \u201ccorrupt bargain\u201d; a portrait of Adams is shown. In 1828, the \u201cTariff of Abominations\u201d protects northern manufacturers, and Andrew Jackson wins the popular and electoral votes; a portrait of Jackson is shown. In 1830, Congress passes the Indian Removal Act; a portrait of Sauk chief Black Hawk is shown. In 1832, the Nullification Crisis risks violent secession, and President Jackson vetoes the renewal of the Second Bank of the United States. In 1834, the Whig Party forms in opposition to the Democratic Party. In 1837, a financial panic prompts an extended recession. In 1840, Whig candidate William Henry Harrison is elected president; a portrait of Harrison is shown.\"><span data-type=\"media\" data-alt=\"A timeline shows important events of the era. In 1824, John Quincy Adams is elected president in a \u201ccorrupt bargain\u201d; a portrait of Adams is shown. In 1828, the \u201cTariff of Abominations\u201d protects northern manufacturers, and Andrew Jackson wins the popular and electoral votes; a portrait of Jackson is shown. In 1830, Congress passes the Indian Removal Act; a portrait of Sauk chief Black Hawk is shown. In 1832, the Nullification Crisis risks violent secession, and President Jackson vetoes the renewal of the Second Bank of the United States. In 1834, the Whig Party forms in opposition to the Democratic Party. In 1837, a financial panic prompts an extended recession. In 1840, Whig candidate William Henry Harrison is elected president; a portrait of Harrison is shown.\">\r\n<\/span><\/span>\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"\" align=\"aligncenter\" width=\"780\"]<img src=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images-archive-read-only\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/883\/2015\/08\/23202420\/CNX_History_10_01_Timeline.jpg\" alt=\"A timeline shows important events of the era. In 1824, John Quincy Adams is elected president in a \u201ccorrupt bargain\u201d; a portrait of Adams is shown. In 1828, the \u201cTariff of Abominations\u201d protects northern manufacturers, and Andrew Jackson wins the popular and electoral votes; a portrait of Jackson is shown. In 1830, Congress passes the Indian Removal Act; a portrait of Sauk chief Black Hawk is shown. In 1832, the Nullification Crisis risks violent secession, and President Jackson vetoes the renewal of the Second Bank of the United States. In 1834, the Whig Party forms in opposition to the Democratic Party. In 1837, a financial panic prompts an extended recession. In 1840, Whig candidate William Henry Harrison is elected president; a portrait of Harrison is shown.\" width=\"780\" height=\"438\" data-media-type=\"image\/jpeg\" \/> <strong>Figure 1<\/strong>. Some major political events between the 1820s and 1840.[\/caption]<\/figure>\r\n<p id=\"fs-idm142980208\">In the 1820s, American political culture gave way to the democratic urges of the citizenry. Political leaders and parties rose to popularity by championing the will of the people, pushing the country toward a future in which a wider swath of citizens gained a political voice. However, this expansion of political power was limited to White men; women, free Blacks, and Indigenous people remained or grew increasingly disenfranchised by the American political system.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<h2>Democracy in the Early Republic<\/h2>\r\nToday, most Americans think democracy is a good thing. We tend to assume the nation\u2019s early political leaders believed the same. Wasn\u2019t the American Revolution a victory for democratic principles? For many of the founders, however, the answer was no.\r\n\r\nA wide variety of people participated in early U.S. politics, especially at the local level. But ordinary citizens\u2019 growing direct influence on government frightened the founding elites. At the Constitutional Convention in 1787, Alexander Hamilton warned of the \u201cvices of democracy\u201d and said he considered the British government\u2014with its powerful king and parliament\u2014\u201cthe best in the world.\u201d[footnote]Max Farrand, ed., <em>The Records of the Federal Convention of 1787,<\/em> Vol. 1 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1911), 288.[\/footnote] Another convention delegate, Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts, who eventually refused to sign the finished Constitution, agreed. \u201cThe evils we experience flow from an excess of democracy,\u201d he proclaimed.[footnote]Ibid., 48.[\/footnote]\r\n\r\nToo much participation by the multitudes, the elite believed, would undermine good order. It would prevent the creation of a secure and united republican society. The Philadelphia physician and politician Benjamin Rush, for example, sensed that the Revolution had launched a wave of popular rebelliousness that could lead to a dangerous new type of despotism. \u201cIn our opposition to monarchy,\u201d he wrote, \u201cwe forgot that the temple of tyranny has two doors. We bolted one of them by proper restraints; but we left the other open, by neglecting to guard against the effects of our own ignorance and licentiousness.\u201d[footnote]Benjamin Rush, \u201cAddress to the People of the United States,\u201d in Hezekiah Niles, ed., <em>Principles and Acts of the Revolution in America<\/em> (Baltimore: William Ogden Niles, 1822), 402. http:\/\/catalog.hathitrust.org\/Record\/000315501.[\/footnote]\r\n\r\nSuch warnings did nothing to quell Americans\u2019 democratic impulses in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Americans who were allowed to vote (and sometimes those who were not) went to the polls in impressive numbers. Citizens also made public demonstrations. They delivered partisan speeches at patriotic holiday and anniversary celebrations. They petitioned Congress, openly criticized the president, and insisted that a free people should not defer even to elected leaders. In many people\u2019s eyes, the American republic was a democratic republic: the people were sovereign all the time, not only on election day.\r\n\r\nThe elite leaders of political parties could not afford to overlook \u201cthe cultivation of popular favour,\u201d as Alexander Hamilton put it.[footnote]Alexander Hamilton to James A. Bayard, April 1802, <em>Founders Online<\/em>, National Archives. From The Papers of Alexander Hamilton, Vol. 25, July 1800\u2013April 1802, ed. Harold C. Syrett (New York: Columbia University Press, 1977), 605\u2013610. http:\/\/founders.archives.gov\/documents\/Hamilton\/01-25-02-0321.[\/footnote] Between the 1790s and 1830s, the elite of every state and party learned to listen\u2014or pretend to listen\u2014to the voices of the multitude. And ironically, an American president, holding the office that most resembles a king\u2019s, would come to symbolize the democratizing spirit of American politics.\r\n\r\n<section id=\"fs-idm210148656\" data-depth=\"1\">\r\n<h2 data-type=\"title\">The Decline of Federalism<\/h2>\r\n<p id=\"fs-idm211421888\">The first party system in the United States shaped the political contest between the Federalists and the Democratic-Republicans. The Federalists, led by Washington, Hamilton, and Adams, dominated American politics in the 1790s. After the election of Thomas Jefferson\u2014the Revolution of 1800\u2014the Democratic-Republicans gained ascendance. The gradual decline of the Federalist Party is evident in its losses in the presidential contests that occurred between 1800 and 1820. After 1816, in which Democratic-Republican James Monroe defeated his Federalist rival Rufus King, the Federalists never ran another presidential candidate.<\/p>\r\n<p id=\"fs-idm217632096\">Before the 1820s, a <strong>code of deference<\/strong> had underwritten the republic\u2019s political order. Deference was the practice of showing respect for individuals who had distinguished themselves through military accomplishments, educational attainment, business success, or family pedigree. Such individuals were members of what many Americans in the early republic agreed was a natural aristocracy. Deference shown to them dovetailed with republicanism and its emphasis on virtue, the ideal of placing the common good above narrow self-interest. Republican statesmen in the 1780s and 1790s expected and routinely received deferential treatment from others, and ordinary Americans deferred to their \u201csocial betters\u201d as a matter of course.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"390\"]<img src=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images-archive-read-only\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/883\/2015\/08\/23202421\/CNX_History_10_01_CherryTree.jpg\" alt=\"A painting depicts George Washington as a child, pointing out to his father a cherry tree with damaged bark. A hatchet lies on the ground. Washington\u2019s father smiles and places his hand on Washington\u2019s shoulder.\" width=\"390\" height=\"312\" data-media-type=\"image\/jpeg\" \/> <strong>Figure 2<\/strong>. \u201cFather, I Can Not Tell a Lie: I Cut the Tree\u201d (1867) by John McRae, after a painting by George Gorgas White, illustrates Mason Locke Weems\u2019s tale of Washington\u2019s honesty and integrity as revealed in the incident of the cherry tree. Although it was fiction, this story about Washington taught generations of children about the importance of virtue.[\/caption]\r\n<p id=\"fs-idm24280048\">For the generation who lived through the American Revolution, for instance, George Washington epitomized republican virtue, entitling him to great deference from his countrymen. His judgment and decisions were considered beyond reproach. An Anglican minister named Mason Locke Weems wrote the classic tale of Washington\u2019s unimpeachable virtue in his 1800 book, <em data-effect=\"italics\">The Life of Washington<\/em>. Generations of nineteenth-century American children read its fictional story of a youthful Washington chopping down one of his father\u2019s cherry trees and, when confronted by his father, confessing: \u201cI cannot tell a lie.\u201d\u00a0The story spoke to Washington\u2019s unflinching honesty and integrity, encouraging readers to remember the deference owed to such towering national figures.<\/p>\r\n<p id=\"fs-idp271083904\">Washington and those who celebrated his role as president established a standard for elite, virtuous leadership that cast a long shadow over subsequent presidential administrations. The presidents who followed Washington shared the first president\u2019s pedigree. With the exception of John Adams, who was from Massachusetts, all the early presidents\u2014Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and James Monroe\u2014were members of Virginia\u2019s elite slaveholder aristocracy.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<\/section><section id=\"fs-idm89046736\" data-depth=\"1\">\r\n<h2 data-type=\"title\">Democratic Reforms<\/h2>\r\n<p id=\"fs-idp119739744\">In the early 1820s, deference to pedigree began to wane in American society. A new type of deference\u2014to the will of the majority and not to a ruling class\u2014took hold. The spirit of democratic reform became most evident in the widespread belief that all White men, regardless of whether they owned property, had the right to participate in elections.<\/p>\r\n<p id=\"fs-idm133881296\">Before the 1820s, many state constitutions had imposed property qualifications for voting as a means to keep democratic tendencies in check. However, as Federalist ideals fell out of favor, ordinary men from the middle and lower classes increasingly questioned the idea that property ownership was an indication of virtue. They argued for <strong>universal manhood suffrage<\/strong>, or voting rights for all White male adults.<\/p>\r\n<p id=\"fs-idp126685360\">New states adopted constitutions that did not contain property qualifications for voting, a move designed to stimulate migration across their borders. Vermont and Kentucky, admitted to the Union in 1791 and 1792 respectively, granted the right to vote to all White men regardless of whether they owned property or paid taxes. Ohio\u2019s state constitution placed a minor taxpaying requirement on voters but otherwise allowed for expansive White male suffrage. Alabama, admitted to the Union in 1819, eliminated property qualifications for voting in its state constitution. Two other new states, Indiana (1816) and Illinois (1818), also extended the right to vote to White men regardless of property. Initially, the new state of Mississippi (1817) restricted voting to White male property holders, but in 1832 it eliminated this provision.<\/p>\r\n<p id=\"fs-idp77237184\">In Connecticut, Federalist power largely collapsed in 1818 when the state held a constitutional convention. The new constitution granted the right to vote to all White men who paid taxes or served in the militia. Similarly, New York amended its state constitution in 1821\u20131822 and removed the property qualifications for voting.<\/p>\r\n<p id=\"fs-idm200319888\">Expanded voting rights did not extend to women, Indigenous peoples, or free Black people in the North. Indeed, race replaced property qualifications as the criterion for voting rights. Early American democracy had a decidedly racist orientation; a White majority limited the rights of Black minorities. New Jersey explicitly restricted the right to vote to White men only. Connecticut passed a law in 1814 taking the right to vote away from free Black men and restricting suffrage to White men only. By the 1820s, 80 percent of the White male population could vote in New York State elections. No other state had expanded suffrage so dramatically. At the same time, however, New York effectively disenfranchised free Black men in 1822 (Black men had had the right to vote under the 1777 constitution) by requiring that \u201cmen of color\u201d must possess property over the value of $250.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<div class=\"textbox tryit\">\r\n<h3>Try It<\/h3>\r\nhttps:\/\/assess.lumenlearning.com\/practice\/7a62842d-cdd6-4203-8819-31b037fc91d4\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<div class=\"textbox learning-objectives\">\r\n<h3>Glossary<\/h3>\r\n<strong>code of deference:\u00a0<\/strong>the practice of showing respect for individuals who had distinguished themselves through accomplishments or birth\r\n\r\n<strong>universal manhood suffrage:\u00a0<\/strong>voting rights for all White male adults\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/section>","rendered":"<div class=\"bcc-box bcc-highlight\">\n<h3>Learning Objectives<\/h3>\n<ul class=\"im_orderedlist\">\n<li>Explain the new style of American politics in the 1820s<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div>\n<figure id=\"CNX_History_10_01_Timeline\" class=\"timeline\"><span data-type=\"media\" data-alt=\"A timeline shows important events of the era. In 1824, John Quincy Adams is elected president in a \u201ccorrupt bargain\u201d; a portrait of Adams is shown. In 1828, the \u201cTariff of Abominations\u201d protects northern manufacturers, and Andrew Jackson wins the popular and electoral votes; a portrait of Jackson is shown. In 1830, Congress passes the Indian Removal Act; a portrait of Sauk chief Black Hawk is shown. In 1832, the Nullification Crisis risks violent secession, and President Jackson vetoes the renewal of the Second Bank of the United States. In 1834, the Whig Party forms in opposition to the Democratic Party. In 1837, a financial panic prompts an extended recession. In 1840, Whig candidate William Henry Harrison is elected president; a portrait of Harrison is shown.\"><span data-type=\"media\" data-alt=\"A timeline shows important events of the era. In 1824, John Quincy Adams is elected president in a \u201ccorrupt bargain\u201d; a portrait of Adams is shown. In 1828, the \u201cTariff of Abominations\u201d protects northern manufacturers, and Andrew Jackson wins the popular and electoral votes; a portrait of Jackson is shown. In 1830, Congress passes the Indian Removal Act; a portrait of Sauk chief Black Hawk is shown. In 1832, the Nullification Crisis risks violent secession, and President Jackson vetoes the renewal of the Second Bank of the United States. In 1834, the Whig Party forms in opposition to the Democratic Party. In 1837, a financial panic prompts an extended recession. In 1840, Whig candidate William Henry Harrison is elected president; a portrait of Harrison is shown.\"><br \/>\n<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<div style=\"width: 790px\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images-archive-read-only\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/883\/2015\/08\/23202420\/CNX_History_10_01_Timeline.jpg\" alt=\"A timeline shows important events of the era. In 1824, John Quincy Adams is elected president in a \u201ccorrupt bargain\u201d; a portrait of Adams is shown. In 1828, the \u201cTariff of Abominations\u201d protects northern manufacturers, and Andrew Jackson wins the popular and electoral votes; a portrait of Jackson is shown. In 1830, Congress passes the Indian Removal Act; a portrait of Sauk chief Black Hawk is shown. In 1832, the Nullification Crisis risks violent secession, and President Jackson vetoes the renewal of the Second Bank of the United States. In 1834, the Whig Party forms in opposition to the Democratic Party. In 1837, a financial panic prompts an extended recession. In 1840, Whig candidate William Henry Harrison is elected president; a portrait of Harrison is shown.\" width=\"780\" height=\"438\" data-media-type=\"image\/jpeg\" \/><\/p>\n<p class=\"wp-caption-text\"><strong>Figure 1<\/strong>. Some major political events between the 1820s and 1840.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/figure>\n<p id=\"fs-idm142980208\">In the 1820s, American political culture gave way to the democratic urges of the citizenry. Political leaders and parties rose to popularity by championing the will of the people, pushing the country toward a future in which a wider swath of citizens gained a political voice. However, this expansion of political power was limited to White men; women, free Blacks, and Indigenous people remained or grew increasingly disenfranchised by the American political system.<\/p>\n<h2>Democracy in the Early Republic<\/h2>\n<p>Today, most Americans think democracy is a good thing. We tend to assume the nation\u2019s early political leaders believed the same. Wasn\u2019t the American Revolution a victory for democratic principles? For many of the founders, however, the answer was no.<\/p>\n<p>A wide variety of people participated in early U.S. politics, especially at the local level. But ordinary citizens\u2019 growing direct influence on government frightened the founding elites. At the Constitutional Convention in 1787, Alexander Hamilton warned of the \u201cvices of democracy\u201d and said he considered the British government\u2014with its powerful king and parliament\u2014\u201cthe best in the world.\u201d<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Max Farrand, ed., The Records of the Federal Convention of 1787, Vol. 1 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1911), 288.\" id=\"return-footnote-304-1\" href=\"#footnote-304-1\" aria-label=\"Footnote 1\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[1]<\/sup><\/a> Another convention delegate, Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts, who eventually refused to sign the finished Constitution, agreed. \u201cThe evils we experience flow from an excess of democracy,\u201d he proclaimed.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Ibid., 48.\" id=\"return-footnote-304-2\" href=\"#footnote-304-2\" aria-label=\"Footnote 2\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[2]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p>Too much participation by the multitudes, the elite believed, would undermine good order. It would prevent the creation of a secure and united republican society. The Philadelphia physician and politician Benjamin Rush, for example, sensed that the Revolution had launched a wave of popular rebelliousness that could lead to a dangerous new type of despotism. \u201cIn our opposition to monarchy,\u201d he wrote, \u201cwe forgot that the temple of tyranny has two doors. We bolted one of them by proper restraints; but we left the other open, by neglecting to guard against the effects of our own ignorance and licentiousness.\u201d<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Benjamin Rush, \u201cAddress to the People of the United States,\u201d in Hezekiah Niles, ed., Principles and Acts of the Revolution in America (Baltimore: William Ogden Niles, 1822), 402. http:\/\/catalog.hathitrust.org\/Record\/000315501.\" id=\"return-footnote-304-3\" href=\"#footnote-304-3\" aria-label=\"Footnote 3\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[3]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p>Such warnings did nothing to quell Americans\u2019 democratic impulses in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Americans who were allowed to vote (and sometimes those who were not) went to the polls in impressive numbers. Citizens also made public demonstrations. They delivered partisan speeches at patriotic holiday and anniversary celebrations. They petitioned Congress, openly criticized the president, and insisted that a free people should not defer even to elected leaders. In many people\u2019s eyes, the American republic was a democratic republic: the people were sovereign all the time, not only on election day.<\/p>\n<p>The elite leaders of political parties could not afford to overlook \u201cthe cultivation of popular favour,\u201d as Alexander Hamilton put it.<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Alexander Hamilton to James A. Bayard, April 1802, Founders Online, National Archives. From The Papers of Alexander Hamilton, Vol. 25, July 1800\u2013April 1802, ed. Harold C. Syrett (New York: Columbia University Press, 1977), 605\u2013610. http:\/\/founders.archives.gov\/documents\/Hamilton\/01-25-02-0321.\" id=\"return-footnote-304-4\" href=\"#footnote-304-4\" aria-label=\"Footnote 4\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[4]<\/sup><\/a> Between the 1790s and 1830s, the elite of every state and party learned to listen\u2014or pretend to listen\u2014to the voices of the multitude. And ironically, an American president, holding the office that most resembles a king\u2019s, would come to symbolize the democratizing spirit of American politics.<\/p>\n<section id=\"fs-idm210148656\" data-depth=\"1\">\n<h2 data-type=\"title\">The Decline of Federalism<\/h2>\n<p id=\"fs-idm211421888\">The first party system in the United States shaped the political contest between the Federalists and the Democratic-Republicans. The Federalists, led by Washington, Hamilton, and Adams, dominated American politics in the 1790s. After the election of Thomas Jefferson\u2014the Revolution of 1800\u2014the Democratic-Republicans gained ascendance. The gradual decline of the Federalist Party is evident in its losses in the presidential contests that occurred between 1800 and 1820. After 1816, in which Democratic-Republican James Monroe defeated his Federalist rival Rufus King, the Federalists never ran another presidential candidate.<\/p>\n<p id=\"fs-idm217632096\">Before the 1820s, a <strong>code of deference<\/strong> had underwritten the republic\u2019s political order. Deference was the practice of showing respect for individuals who had distinguished themselves through military accomplishments, educational attainment, business success, or family pedigree. Such individuals were members of what many Americans in the early republic agreed was a natural aristocracy. Deference shown to them dovetailed with republicanism and its emphasis on virtue, the ideal of placing the common good above narrow self-interest. Republican statesmen in the 1780s and 1790s expected and routinely received deferential treatment from others, and ordinary Americans deferred to their \u201csocial betters\u201d as a matter of course.<\/p>\n<div style=\"width: 400px\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images-archive-read-only\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/883\/2015\/08\/23202421\/CNX_History_10_01_CherryTree.jpg\" alt=\"A painting depicts George Washington as a child, pointing out to his father a cherry tree with damaged bark. A hatchet lies on the ground. Washington\u2019s father smiles and places his hand on Washington\u2019s shoulder.\" width=\"390\" height=\"312\" data-media-type=\"image\/jpeg\" \/><\/p>\n<p class=\"wp-caption-text\"><strong>Figure 2<\/strong>. \u201cFather, I Can Not Tell a Lie: I Cut the Tree\u201d (1867) by John McRae, after a painting by George Gorgas White, illustrates Mason Locke Weems\u2019s tale of Washington\u2019s honesty and integrity as revealed in the incident of the cherry tree. Although it was fiction, this story about Washington taught generations of children about the importance of virtue.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<p id=\"fs-idm24280048\">For the generation who lived through the American Revolution, for instance, George Washington epitomized republican virtue, entitling him to great deference from his countrymen. His judgment and decisions were considered beyond reproach. An Anglican minister named Mason Locke Weems wrote the classic tale of Washington\u2019s unimpeachable virtue in his 1800 book, <em data-effect=\"italics\">The Life of Washington<\/em>. Generations of nineteenth-century American children read its fictional story of a youthful Washington chopping down one of his father\u2019s cherry trees and, when confronted by his father, confessing: \u201cI cannot tell a lie.\u201d\u00a0The story spoke to Washington\u2019s unflinching honesty and integrity, encouraging readers to remember the deference owed to such towering national figures.<\/p>\n<p id=\"fs-idp271083904\">Washington and those who celebrated his role as president established a standard for elite, virtuous leadership that cast a long shadow over subsequent presidential administrations. The presidents who followed Washington shared the first president\u2019s pedigree. With the exception of John Adams, who was from Massachusetts, all the early presidents\u2014Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and James Monroe\u2014were members of Virginia\u2019s elite slaveholder aristocracy.<\/p>\n<\/section>\n<section id=\"fs-idm89046736\" data-depth=\"1\">\n<h2 data-type=\"title\">Democratic Reforms<\/h2>\n<p id=\"fs-idp119739744\">In the early 1820s, deference to pedigree began to wane in American society. A new type of deference\u2014to the will of the majority and not to a ruling class\u2014took hold. The spirit of democratic reform became most evident in the widespread belief that all White men, regardless of whether they owned property, had the right to participate in elections.<\/p>\n<p id=\"fs-idm133881296\">Before the 1820s, many state constitutions had imposed property qualifications for voting as a means to keep democratic tendencies in check. However, as Federalist ideals fell out of favor, ordinary men from the middle and lower classes increasingly questioned the idea that property ownership was an indication of virtue. They argued for <strong>universal manhood suffrage<\/strong>, or voting rights for all White male adults.<\/p>\n<p id=\"fs-idp126685360\">New states adopted constitutions that did not contain property qualifications for voting, a move designed to stimulate migration across their borders. Vermont and Kentucky, admitted to the Union in 1791 and 1792 respectively, granted the right to vote to all White men regardless of whether they owned property or paid taxes. Ohio\u2019s state constitution placed a minor taxpaying requirement on voters but otherwise allowed for expansive White male suffrage. Alabama, admitted to the Union in 1819, eliminated property qualifications for voting in its state constitution. Two other new states, Indiana (1816) and Illinois (1818), also extended the right to vote to White men regardless of property. Initially, the new state of Mississippi (1817) restricted voting to White male property holders, but in 1832 it eliminated this provision.<\/p>\n<p id=\"fs-idp77237184\">In Connecticut, Federalist power largely collapsed in 1818 when the state held a constitutional convention. The new constitution granted the right to vote to all White men who paid taxes or served in the militia. Similarly, New York amended its state constitution in 1821\u20131822 and removed the property qualifications for voting.<\/p>\n<p id=\"fs-idm200319888\">Expanded voting rights did not extend to women, Indigenous peoples, or free Black people in the North. Indeed, race replaced property qualifications as the criterion for voting rights. Early American democracy had a decidedly racist orientation; a White majority limited the rights of Black minorities. New Jersey explicitly restricted the right to vote to White men only. Connecticut passed a law in 1814 taking the right to vote away from free Black men and restricting suffrage to White men only. By the 1820s, 80 percent of the White male population could vote in New York State elections. No other state had expanded suffrage so dramatically. At the same time, however, New York effectively disenfranchised free Black men in 1822 (Black men had had the right to vote under the 1777 constitution) by requiring that \u201cmen of color\u201d must possess property over the value of $250.<\/p>\n<div class=\"textbox tryit\">\n<h3>Try It<\/h3>\n<p>\t<iframe id=\"assessment_practice_7a62842d-cdd6-4203-8819-31b037fc91d4\" class=\"resizable\" src=\"https:\/\/assess.lumenlearning.com\/practice\/7a62842d-cdd6-4203-8819-31b037fc91d4?iframe_resize_id=assessment_practice_id_7a62842d-cdd6-4203-8819-31b037fc91d4\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;width:100%;height:100%;min-height:300px;\"><br \/>\n\t<\/iframe><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"textbox learning-objectives\">\n<h3>Glossary<\/h3>\n<p><strong>code of deference:\u00a0<\/strong>the practice of showing respect for individuals who had distinguished themselves through accomplishments or birth<\/p>\n<p><strong>universal manhood suffrage:\u00a0<\/strong>voting rights for all White male adults<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/section>\n\n\t\t\t <section class=\"citations-section\" role=\"contentinfo\">\n\t\t\t <h3>Candela Citations<\/h3>\n\t\t\t\t\t <div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t <div id=\"citation-list-304\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t <div class=\"licensing\"><div class=\"license-attribution-dropdown-subheading\">CC licensed content, Shared previously<\/div><ul class=\"citation-list\"><li>US History. <strong>Provided by<\/strong>: OpenStax. <strong>Located at<\/strong>: <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"https:\/\/openstax.org\/books\/us-history\/pages\/10-1-a-new-political-style-from-john-quincy-adams-to-andrew-jackson\">https:\/\/openstax.org\/books\/us-history\/pages\/10-1-a-new-political-style-from-john-quincy-adams-to-andrew-jackson<\/a>. <strong>License<\/strong>: <em><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"license\" href=\"https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/licenses\/by\/4.0\/\">CC BY: Attribution<\/a><\/em>. <strong>License Terms<\/strong>: Access for free at https:\/\/openstax.org\/books\/us-history\/pages\/1-introduction<\/li><li>Democracy in the Early Republic. <strong>Provided by<\/strong>: American Yawp. <strong>Located at<\/strong>: <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.americanyawp.com\/text\/09-democracy-in-america\/#II_Democracy_in_the_Early_Republic\">http:\/\/www.americanyawp.com\/text\/09-democracy-in-america\/#II_Democracy_in_the_Early_Republic<\/a>. <strong>License<\/strong>: <em><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"license\" href=\"https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/licenses\/by-sa\/4.0\/\">CC BY-SA: Attribution-ShareAlike<\/a><\/em><\/li><li>Federalism. <strong>Provided by<\/strong>: Wikipedia. <strong>Located at<\/strong>: <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Federalism\">https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Federalism<\/a>. <strong>License<\/strong>: <em><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"license\" href=\"https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/about\/pdm\">Public Domain: No Known Copyright<\/a><\/em><\/li><\/ul><\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t <\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t <\/div>\n\t\t\t <\/section><hr class=\"before-footnotes clear\" \/><div class=\"footnotes\"><ol><li id=\"footnote-304-1\">Max Farrand, ed., <em>The Records of the Federal Convention of 1787,<\/em> Vol. 1 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1911), 288. <a href=\"#return-footnote-304-1\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 1\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-304-2\">Ibid., 48. <a href=\"#return-footnote-304-2\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 2\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-304-3\">Benjamin Rush, \u201cAddress to the People of the United States,\u201d in Hezekiah Niles, ed., <em>Principles and Acts of the Revolution in America<\/em> (Baltimore: William Ogden Niles, 1822), 402. http:\/\/catalog.hathitrust.org\/Record\/000315501. <a href=\"#return-footnote-304-3\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 3\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-304-4\">Alexander Hamilton to James A. Bayard, April 1802, <em>Founders Online<\/em>, National Archives. From The Papers of Alexander Hamilton, Vol. 25, July 1800\u2013April 1802, ed. Harold C. Syrett (New York: Columbia University Press, 1977), 605\u2013610. http:\/\/founders.archives.gov\/documents\/Hamilton\/01-25-02-0321. <a href=\"#return-footnote-304-4\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 4\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><\/ol><\/div>","protected":false},"author":969,"menu_order":3,"template":"","meta":{"_candela_citation":"[{\"type\":\"cc\",\"description\":\"US History\",\"author\":\"\",\"organization\":\"OpenStax\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/openstax.org\/books\/us-history\/pages\/10-1-a-new-political-style-from-john-quincy-adams-to-andrew-jackson\",\"project\":\"\",\"license\":\"cc-by\",\"license_terms\":\"Access for free at https:\/\/openstax.org\/books\/us-history\/pages\/1-introduction\"},{\"type\":\"cc\",\"description\":\"Democracy in the Early Republic\",\"author\":\"\",\"organization\":\"American Yawp\",\"url\":\"http:\/\/www.americanyawp.com\/text\/09-democracy-in-america\/#II_Democracy_in_the_Early_Republic\",\"project\":\"\",\"license\":\"cc-by-sa\",\"license_terms\":\"\"},{\"type\":\"cc\",\"description\":\"Federalism\",\"author\":\"\",\"organization\":\"Wikipedia\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Federalism\",\"project\":\"\",\"license\":\"pd\",\"license_terms\":\"\"}]","CANDELA_OUTCOMES_GUID":"70f010c9-94e9-42b5-95f1-8bb0fc575069,84381214-806f-43c6-9474-00e89e6c61bd","pb_show_title":"on","pb_short_title":"","pb_subtitle":"","pb_authors":[],"pb_section_license":""},"chapter-type":[],"contributor":[],"license":[],"class_list":["post-304","chapter","type-chapter","status-publish","hentry"],"part":296,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/wm-ushistory1\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/304","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/wm-ushistory1\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/wm-ushistory1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/chapter"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/wm-ushistory1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/969"}],"version-history":[{"count":25,"href":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/wm-ushistory1\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/304\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8648,"href":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/wm-ushistory1\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/304\/revisions\/8648"}],"part":[{"href":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/wm-ushistory1\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/parts\/296"}],"metadata":[{"href":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/wm-ushistory1\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/304\/metadata\/"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/wm-ushistory1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=304"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"chapter-type","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/wm-ushistory1\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapter-type?post=304"},{"taxonomy":"contributor","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/wm-ushistory1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/contributor?post=304"},{"taxonomy":"license","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/wm-ushistory1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/license?post=304"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}