Learning Objectives
- Describe what everyday life was like for the industrial working class in the late nineteenth century
The ideas of Social Darwinism attracted little support among the mass of American industrial laborers. American workers toiled in difficult jobs for long hours and little pay. Mechanization and mass production threw skilled laborers into unskilled positions. Industrial work ebbed and flowed with the economy. The typical industrial laborer could expect to be unemployed one month out of the year. They labored sixty hours a week and could still expect their annual income to fall below the poverty line. Among the working poor, women and children were forced into the labor market to compensate. Crowded cities, meanwhile, failed to accommodate growing urban populations, and skyrocketing rents trapped families in crowded slums.
The growth of the American economy in the last half of the nineteenth century presented a paradox. The standard of living for many American workers increased. As Carnegie said in The Gospel of Wealth, “the poor enjoy what the rich could not before afford. What were the luxuries have become the necessaries of life. The laborer has now more comforts than the landlord had a few generations ago.” In many ways, Carnegie was correct. The decline in prices and the cost of living meant that the industrial era offered many Americans relatively better lives in 1900 than they had only decades before. For some Americans, there were also increased opportunities for upward mobility. For the multitudes in the working class, however, conditions in the factories and at home remained deplorable. The difficulties they faced led many workers to question an industrial order in which a handful of wealthy Americans built their fortunes on the backs of workers.
Working-Class Life: On the Job
Between the end of the Civil War and the turn of the century, the American workforce underwent a transformation. In 1865, nearly 60% of Americans still lived and worked on farms; by the early 1900s, that number had reversed itself, and only 40% still lived in rural areas, with the remainder living and working in urban and early suburban areas. A significant number of these urban and suburban dwellers earned their wages in factories. Advances in farm machinery allowed for greater crop production with less manual labor, thus leading many Americans to seek job opportunities in the burgeoning factories in the cities. Not surprisingly, this period also saw a decrease in the number of self-employed Americans and an increase in those dependent on a wage system for their living.
Yet factory wages were, for the most part, very low. In 1900, the average factory wage was approximately 20¢ per hour (about $6.75 in 2022), for an annual salary of barely $600 (about $20,200 in 2022). According to some historical estimates, that wage left approximately 20% of the population in industrialized cities at, or below, the poverty level. An average factory work week was ten hours per day, six days per week, although in steel mills the workers put in twelve hours per day, seven days a week. Factory owners had little concern for workers’ safety. According to one of the few available accurate measures, in 1913, nearly 25,000 Americans lost their lives on the job, while another 700,000 workers suffered from injuries that resulted in at least one missed month of work. There were no laws that ensured the physical safety or financial security of workers and due to the booming population, factory owners could swiftly replace any worker who was put out of commission.
Link to learning: health and safety laws
Prior to the late 1800’s, most workers were on their own when it came to workplace safety. There were very few industry standards and hardly any state or federal laws concerning the health and well-being of workers in industrial settings, particularly during the Gilded Age when the name of the game was mass production and efficiency. The rapid population growth in the U.S. at the time also had an effect on worker safety regulations, because factory owners were not worried about replacing workers who were injured or even killed on the job. Immigrants arriving from Europe were often coming from war zones or escaping famine and were desperate for work no matter what the hazards.
Early labor unions began lobbying for improved safety conditions alongside higher wages and shorter hours. Massachusetts was the first state to establish a Bureau of Labor in 1869, which was tasked with conducting investigations into industrial factories and then publishing reports on their findings. These investigations included surveys of workers and managers as well as physical inspections of the factories. They also collected statistics on workplace injuries and deaths. The release of their first annual report in 1870 shocked the public when it concluded that:
“There is a peril to life and limb from unguarded machinery, and peril to health from lack of ventilation, and insufficiency of means of escape in case of fire, in many establishments…. These evils can only be prevented by detailed enactment.”[1]
Under increasing pressure from labor unions, Massachusetts passed one of the first factory inspection laws in the U.S. in 1877 and other states followed suit, although many, like Connecticut, chose not to. This pressure increased as labor unions began to publish workplace condition reports in their journals and newspapers. By 1897, fourteen more states had added factory inspection laws to their books. Many of these laws regulated things like guarding for machinery, ventilation, fire hazards, and regulations concerning women and child workers. In 1897, U.S. Bureau of Labor investigator W.F. Willoughby wrote that:
“One state has led the way by the enactment of tentative measures, which it has afterwards developed as dictated by experience. Other states have profited by the example and have taken similar steps. The moral influence of the action of the States upon each other in the United States is great. A movement at first grows slowly, but as State after State adopts similar measures the pressure upon others to do likewise becomes stronger.”[2]
Another element of hardship for workers was the increasingly dehumanizing nature of their work. They executed repetitive tasks throughout the long hours of their shifts, seldom interacting with coworkers or supervisors. This solitary and repetitive work style was a difficult adjustment for those used to more collaborative and skill-based work, whether on farms or in crafts shops. Managers embraced Fredrick Taylor’s principles of scientific management, also called stop-watch management, where he used stop-watch studies to divide manufacturing tasks into short, repetitive segments. A mechanical engineer by training, Taylor encouraged factory owners to seek efficiency and profitability over any benefits of personal interaction. Owners adopted this model, effectively turning workers into cogs in a well-oiled machine.
Women and Children in Industrial Labor
One result of the new breakdown of work processes was that factory owners were able to hire women and children to perform many of the tasks. From 1870 through 1900, the number of women working outside the home tripled. By the end of this period, five million American women were wage earners, with one-quarter of them working factory jobs. Most were young, under twenty-five, and either immigrants or the daughters of immigrants. Their foray into the working world was not seen as a step toward empowerment or equality, but rather a hardship born of financial necessity. Women’s factory work tended to be in clothing or textile factories, where their appearance was less offensive to men who felt that heavy industry was their arena. Other women in the workforce worked in clerical positions as bookkeepers and secretaries and as sales clerks. Women were consistently paid less than men due to the belief that they should be under the care of their husband or father and therefore did not require a living wage.
Factory owners used the same rationale for the exceedingly low wages they paid to children. Children were small enough to fit easily among the machines, could be hired for simple work for a fraction of an adult man’s pay, and were far less likely than adults to organize or strike. The image below shows children working the night shift in a glass factory. From 1870 through 1900, child labor in factories tripled. Growing concerns among progressive reformers over the safety of women and children in the workplace would eventually result in the development of political lobbying groups like the National Child Labor Committee, which formed in 1904. Several states passed legislative efforts to ensure a safe workplace for children and the lobbying groups pressured Congress to pass protective legislation that might outlaw the hiring of very young children. However, such legislation would not be forthcoming until well into the twentieth century. In the meantime, many working-class immigrants still needed the additional wages that child and women labor produced, regardless of the harsh working conditions.
Working-Class Life at Home
Marriage, Birth, & Mortality Rates
While life at work was incredibly challenging for working-class Americans, life at home could also be difficult. Aside from the crowded tenement buildings and lack of basic sanitation, there were issues with family life, nutrition, medicine, education, childcare, and the general cost of living.
In 1890, the average age of marriage was 22 for women and 26 for men, which might seem fairly normal to modern observers.[3] However, it is important to remember that the average lifespan of a working-class urban American at this time was quite low and the infant & child mortality rate in those communities was quite high. According to one study based on records of the Death Registration Area (a section of the Census Bureau created in 1900) “white males born in rural areas had a life expectancy at birth in 1901 that was ten years higher than that for white males born in cities. For white females, life expectancy at birth was seven years higher in rural areas than in cities.”[4]. So while industrial factory workers might have been getting married slightly later in life than previous generations, they also had shorter life spans, poorer health, and more children than wealthier or more rural Americans.
These statistics on life expectancy were also dragged down by the staggeringly high infant mortality rate, which was about 150 out of every 1000 live births in 1890 (for reference, the infant mortality rate in 1990 was 7/1000) and did not include the infant mortality rate for Black Americans, which has historically been much higher than White Americans. While the infant mortality rate was extremely high in urban areas, the birth rate was also very high, given that there was no reliable birth control available. The average number of children per American woman (of child-bearing age) was around 4 for White women and closer to 7 for Black women, which is far lower than the birth rates in the early nineteenth century, most likely due to later marriages. [5]
Cost of Living
In 1890, the average daily wage for a worker in an American city was about $2.50.[6]. If a worker was scheduled six days a week, they would bring home about $15 per week (about $780 per year). The equivalent in 2022 would be an income of about $23,400 per year. These wages were what drove much of the immigration boom during the late nineteenth century because wages in European countries like Great Britain, France, and Belgium averaged around $1.10 per day during this same time period. However, the cost of living was still not sustainable for many American workers, since the prices of housing, food, and other necessities were also high and the quality was low. For example, in 1891 the average American family in Massachusetts spent $148 per year on rent, $385 per year on food, $32 per year on fuel to heat their home or cook, and $100 per year on clothing.[7] These costs could also be higher or lower depending on where they lived and how many children they had, or whether both of the adults in the family worked (although women’s wages were much lower than men’s).
Try It
Glossary
National Child Labor Committee: an organization founded in 1904 to labor for increased regulation of child labor, including the introduction of compulsory education and age restrictions on child workers
stop-watch management: Fredrick Taylor’s management style, also called “scientific management,” that divided manufacturing tasks into short, repetitive segments and encouraged factory owners to seek efficiency and profitability over any benefits of personal interaction
Candela Citations
- US History. Provided by: OpenStax. Located at: http://openstaxcollege.org/textbooks/us-history. License: CC BY: Attribution. License Terms: Access for free at https://openstax.org/books/us-history/pages/1-introduction
- Annual Report, Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of Labor (MBSL), 1870, https://archives.lib.state.ma.us/handle/2452/757004. ↵
- U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, Bulletin No.12 (BLS Bul. 12), 551, https://www.dol.gov/general/aboutdol/history/mono-regsafepart02 ↵
- Figure MS-2, U.S. Census Bureau, Decennial Censuses, 1890 to 1940. https://www.census.gov/content/dam/Census/library/visualizations/time-series/demo/families-and-households/ms-2.pdf ↵
- Cain, L., & Hong, S. C. (2009). Survival in 19th Century Cities: The Larger the City, the Smaller Your Chances. Explorations in economic history, 46(4), 450–463. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.eeh.2009.05.001. ↵
- Haines, Michael. “Fertility and Mortality in the United States”. EH.Net Encyclopedia, edited by Robert Whaples. March 19, 2008. URL http://eh.net/encyclopedia/fertility-and-mortality-in-the-united-states/ ↵
- United States. Bureau of Labor. "Wages in the United States and Europe, 1870-1898," in United States. Bureau of Labor. "September 1898 : Bulletin of the United States Bureau of Labor, No. 18, Volume III," Bulletin of the United States Bureau of Labor, Nos. 1 - 100 (September 1898) : 5-33. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org/title/3943/item/477571/toc/498267 ↵
- Report of the Commissioner of Labor, Pt. II - Cost of Living. (1891-1892). Executive Documents of the House of Representatives for the 1st Session of the 52nd Congress. https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/003051567 ↵