{"id":1818,"date":"2021-07-25T01:54:54","date_gmt":"2021-07-25T01:54:54","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/wm-ushistory2\/?post_type=chapter&#038;p=1818"},"modified":"2022-09-22T18:46:46","modified_gmt":"2022-09-22T18:46:46","slug":"desegregation-and-integration","status":"publish","type":"chapter","link":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/wm-ushistory2\/chapter\/desegregation-and-integration\/","title":{"raw":"Desegregation and Integration","rendered":"Desegregation and Integration"},"content":{"raw":"<section id=\"fs-idm133638320\" data-depth=\"1\">\r\n<div class=\"textbox learning-objectives\">\r\n<h3>Learning Objectives<\/h3>\r\n<ul>\r\n \t<li>Explain the <em>Brown v. Board of Education<\/em> decision and efforts to end segregation<\/li>\r\n \t<li>Describe 1950s civil rights milestones and responses to efforts to end discrimination<\/li>\r\n<\/ul>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<p id=\"fs-idm26222320\">Until 1954, racial segregation in education was not only legal but was required in seventeen states and permissible in several others. Utilizing evidence from the sociological research of Kenneth Clark and Gunnar Myrdal, however, Thurgood Marshall, then chief counsel for the NAACP, successfully\u00a0argued the landmark case <strong><em data-effect=\"italics\">Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas<\/em><\/strong> before the Supreme Court of Chief Justice Earl Warren. Marshall showed that the practice of segregation in public schools made African American students feel inferior. Even if the facilities provided were equal in nature, the Court noted in its decision, the very fact that some students were separated from others on the basis of their race made segregation unconstitutional.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<figure id=\"CNX_History_28_05_Brown\">\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"\" align=\"aligncenter\" width=\"585\"]<img src=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images-archive-read-only\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/884\/2015\/08\/23203316\/CNX_History_28_05_Brown.jpg\" alt=\"A map entitled \u201cU.S. School Segregation prior to Brown v. Board of Education\u201d shows the states in which school segregation was mandatory; the states in which school segregation was optional; the states in which school segregation was forbidden; and the states in which school segregation legislation did not exist. States with mandatory school segregation included Texas, Oklahoma, Missouri, Arkansas, Louisiana, Kentucky, Tennessee, Mississippi, West Virginia, Alabama, Virginia and Maryland (including Washington, D.C.), Delaware, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida. States with optional school segregation included Arizona, Wyoming, New Mexico, and Kansas. States forbidding school segregation included Washington, Idaho, Colorado, Minnesota, Iowa, Wisconsin, Illinois, Michigan, Indiana, Ohio, Pennsylvania, New York, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, and New Jersey. States with no school segregation legislation included Oregon, California, Nevada, Utah, Montana, North Dakota, South Dakota, Nebraska, Maine, New Hampshire, and Vermont.\" width=\"585\" height=\"442\" data-media-type=\"image\/jpeg\" \/> <strong>Figure 1<\/strong>. This map shows those states in which racial segregation in public education was required by law before the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision. In 1960, four years later, fewer than 10 percent of southern African American students attended the same schools as white students.[\/caption]<\/figure>\r\n<div id=\"fs-idp114043248\" class=\"history defining-american\" data-type=\"note\" data-label=\"Defining American\">\r\n<div class=\"textbox key-takeaways\">\r\n<h3>Thurgood Marshall on Fighting Racism<\/h3>\r\n<p id=\"fs-idp16642624\">As a law student in 1933, Thurgood Marshall\u00a0was recruited by his mentor Charles Hamilton Houston to assist in gathering information for the defense of a Black man in Virginia accused of killing two White women. His continued close association with Houston led Marshall to aggressively defend Black people in the courts and to use the legal system as means of securing equal rights in accordance with the Constitution. Houston also suggested that it would be important to establish legal precedents regarding the <strong><em data-effect=\"italics\">Plessy v. Ferguson<\/em><\/strong> ruling of separate but equal.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<figure id=\"CNX_History_28_05_TMarshall\">\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"390\"]<img src=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images-archive-read-only\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/884\/2015\/08\/23203317\/CNX_History_28_05_TMarshall.jpg\" alt=\"A photograph shows Henry L. Moon, Roy Wilkins, Herbert Hill, and Thurgood Marshall holding up a poster that reads \u201cStamp Out Mississippi-ism! Join NAACP.\u201d In the middle of the poster, a graphic shows the state of Mississippi with a tombstone in the center. The tombstone displays the names of four African Americans murdered in Mississippi in 1955.\" width=\"390\" height=\"314\" data-media-type=\"image\/jpeg\" \/> <strong>Figure 2<\/strong>. In 1956, NAACP leaders (from left to right) Henry L. Moon, Roy Wilkins, Herbert Hill, and Thurgood Marshall present a new poster in the campaign against southern white racism. Marshall successfully argued the landmark case Brown v. Board of Education (1954) before the U.S. Supreme Court and later became the court\u2019s first African American justice.[\/caption]<\/figure>\r\n<p id=\"fs-idm64540352\">By 1938, Marshall had become \u201cMr. Civil Rights\u201d and in 1940 formally organized the NAACP\u2019s Legal Defense and Education Fund to garner the resources necessary for challenging entrenched race-based inequalities in the American justice system. A direct result of Marshall\u2019s energies and commitment was his 1940 victory in a Supreme Court case, <em data-effect=\"italics\">Chambers v. Florida<\/em>, which held that confessions obtained by violence and torture were inadmissible in a court of law. His most well-known case was <em data-effect=\"italics\">Brown v. Board of Education<\/em> in 1954, which held that state laws establishing separate public schools for Black and White students were unconstitutional.<\/p>\r\n<p id=\"fs-idm80780512\">Later in life, Marshall reflected on his career fighting racism in a speech at Howard Law School in 1978:<\/p>\r\n\r\n<blockquote id=\"fs-idp21433136\">\r\n<div>Be aware of that myth, that everything is going to be all right. Don\u2019t give in. I add that, because it seems to me, that what we need to do today is to refocus. Back in the 30s and 40s, we could go no place but to court. We knew then, the court was not the final solution. Many of us knew the final solution would have to be politics, if for no other reason, politics is cheaper than lawsuits. So now we have both. We have our legal arm, and we have our political arm. Let\u2019s use them both. And don\u2019t listen to this myth that it can be solved by either or that it has already been solved. Take it from me, it has not been solved.<\/div><\/blockquote>\r\n<p id=\"fs-idp28870960\">When Marshall says that the problems of racism have not been solved, to what was he referring?<\/p>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<p id=\"fs-idp28870960\">Though <em>Plessy<\/em><em style=\"font-size: 1rem; text-align: initial;\" data-effect=\"italics\"> v. Fergusson<\/em><span style=\"font-size: 1rem; text-align: initial;\"> had been overturned, the challenge now was to integrate schools. A year after <em>Brown<\/em>, the Supreme Court ordered southern school systems to begin <\/span><strong style=\"font-size: 1rem; text-align: initial;\">desegregation<\/strong><span style=\"font-size: 1rem; text-align: initial;\"> \u201cwith all deliberate speed.\u201d Some school districts voluntarily integrated their schools. For many other districts, however, \u201cdeliberate speed\u201d proved to be very slow.<\/span><\/p>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"390\"]<img src=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images-archive-read-only\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/884\/2015\/08\/23203319\/CNX_History_28_05_LittleRock.jpg\" alt=\"A photograph shows uniformed soldiers holding rifles as they escort the Little Rock Nine up the steps of Central High School.\" width=\"390\" height=\"257\" data-media-type=\"image\/jpeg\" \/> <strong>Figure 3<\/strong>. In 1957, U.S. soldiers from the 101st Airborne were called in to escort the Little Rock Nine into and around formerly all-white Central High School in Little Rock, Arkansas.[\/caption]\r\n<p id=\"fs-idp82654144\">It soon became clear that enforcing <em data-effect=\"italics\">Brown v. Board of Education<\/em> would require presidential intervention. Eisenhower did not agree with the Supreme Court\u2019s decision and did not wish to force southern states to integrate their schools. However, as president he was responsible for doing so. In 1957, Central High School in Little Rock, Arkansas, was forced to accept its first nine African American students, who became known as the <strong>Little Rock Nine<\/strong>. In response, Arkansas governor Orval Faubus called out the state National Guard to prevent the students from attending classes, removing the troops only after Eisenhower told him to do so. A subsequent attempt by the nine students to attend school resulted in mob violence. Eisenhower then placed the Arkansas National Guard under federal control and sent the U.S. Army\u2019s 101st Airborne Division to escort the students to and from school as well as from class to class. This was the first time since the end of Reconstruction that federal troops were required to protect the rights of African Americans in the South.<\/p>\r\n<p id=\"fs-idp48340144\">Throughout the school year, the Little Rock Nine were insulted, harassed, and physically assaulted; nevertheless, they returned to school each day. At the end of the year, the first African American student graduated from Central High. At the beginning of the 1958\u20131959 school year, Faubus ordered all Little Rock public schools closed. In the opinion of White segregationists, keeping all students out of school was preferable to having them attend integrated schools. In 1959, the Supreme Court ruled that the school had to be reopened and that the process of desegregation had to proceed.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<\/section><section id=\"fs-idp161293520\" data-depth=\"1\">\r\n<h2 data-type=\"title\">White Responses<\/h2>\r\n<p id=\"fs-idp71083168\">Efforts to desegregate public schools led to a backlash among many southern Whites, who greeted the <em data-effect=\"italics\">Brown<\/em> decision with horror. Some World War II veterans questioned how the government they had fought for could betray them in such a fashion. Some White parents promptly withdrew their children from public schools and enrolled them in exclusively White private academies, many of which had been newly created for the sole purpose of keeping White children from attending integrated schools. Often, these \u201cacademies\u201d held classes in neighbors\u2019 basements or living rooms.<\/p>\r\n<p id=\"fs-idp119032384\">Other White southerners turned to state legislatures or courts to solve the problem of school integration. Orders to integrate school districts were routinely challenged in court. When the lawsuits proved unsuccessful, many southern school districts responded by closing all public schools, as governor Faubus had done after Central High School was integrated. One county in Virginia closed its public schools for five years rather than see them integrated. Besides suing school districts, many southern segregationists filed lawsuits against the NAACP, trying to bankrupt the organization. Many national politicians supported the segregationist efforts. In 1956, ninety-six members of Congress signed \u201cThe Southern Manifesto,\u201d in which they accused the Supreme Court of misusing its power and violating the principle of <strong>states\u2019 rights<\/strong>, which maintained that states had rights equal to those of the federal government.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<h3>Emmett Till<\/h3>\r\n<p id=\"fs-idp45783664\">Unfortunately, many White southern racists, frightened by challenges to the social order, responded with violence. When Little Rock\u2019s Central High School desegregated, an irate Ku Klux Klansman from a neighboring community sent a letter to the members of the city\u2019s school board in which he denounced them as communists and threatened to kill them. White rage sometimes erupted into murder.<\/p>\r\nIn the summer of 1955, two White men in Mississippi kidnapped and brutally murdered fourteen-year-old Emmett Till. Till, visiting from Chicago and perhaps unfamiliar with the \u201cetiquette\u201d of Jim Crow, allegedly whistled at a White woman named Carolyn Bryant. Her husband, Roy Bryant, and another man, J. W. Milam, abducted Till from his relatives\u2019 home, beat him, mutilated him, shot him, and threw his body in the Tallahatchie River. Emmett\u2019s mother, Mamie, held an open-casket funeral so that Till\u2019s disfigured body could be shown in national news coverage. The men were brought to trial. Though the evidence was damning, an exclusively White jury found the two men not guilty. Mere months after the decision, they boasted of their crime, in all of its brutal detail, in\u00a0<em>Look<\/em>\u00a0magazine. \u201cThey ain\u2019t gonna go to school with my kids,\u201d Milam said. They wanted \u201cto make an example of [Till]\u2014just so everybody can know how me and my folks stand.\u201d[footnote]William Bradford Huie, \u201cThe Shocking Story of Approved Killing in Mississippi,\u201d Look (January 24, 1956), 46\u201350.[\/footnote]\r\n<p id=\"fs-idm343406112\">At the trial, Mamie Till delivered emotional testimony, but the all-white jury set the men free. White juries rarely enforced the rule of law in the segregated South, and Whites accused of heinous crimes were usually acquitted. So Till\u2019s killers confessed to the crime but were never punished, and <em data-effect=\"italics\">Look<\/em> magazine paid them for their story. Television, too, was increasingly making Northern Whites more aware of the gross injustices suffered by African Americans in the South, such as the violence in Birmingham a few years later.<\/p>\r\n<p id=\"fs-idm388701248\">Because of Mamie Till\u2019s determined efforts, the lynching and trial drew unprecedented national and world outrage over the murder of an African American, soiling America\u2019s image in the Cold War against Communism, especially in developing nations. It washed out the optimism Black Americans had felt a year earlier when the Supreme Court\u2019s <em data-effect=\"italics\">Brown<\/em> decision outlawed segregated schools. During the fall of 1955, several hundred thousand joined rallies protesting Till\u2019s murder in Chicago and other large cities. The growing coalition of churches, labor unions, and black organizations that marched helped launch the emerging civil rights movement, in conjunction with the simultaneous Montgomery Bus Boycott. Indeed, Rosa Parks was among those moved by Till's murder, and in the early 1960s, the lunch-counter protesters and freedom riders called themselves the \u201cEmmett Till generation.\u201d<\/p>\r\n\r\n<\/section><section id=\"fs-idp26450448\" data-depth=\"1\">\r\n<h2 data-type=\"title\">The Montgomery Bus Boycott<\/h2>\r\n<p id=\"fs-idm9523536\">One of those inspired by Till\u2019s death was Rosa Parks, an NAACP member from Montgomery, Alabama, who became the face of the 1955\u20131956 Montgomery Bus Boycott. City ordinances segregated the city\u2019s buses, forcing African American passengers to ride in the back section. They had to enter through the rear of the bus, could not share seats with White passengers, and if the front of the bus was full and a White passenger requested an African American\u2019s seat, were required to relinquish their place. The bus company also refused to hire African American drivers even though most of the people who rode the buses were Black.<\/p>\r\n<p id=\"fs-idp112586256\">On December 1, 1955, Rosa Parks refused to give her seat to a White man, and the Montgomery police arrested her. After being bailed out of jail, she decided to fight the laws requiring segregation in court. To support her, the Women\u2019s Political Council, a group of African American female activists, organized a boycott of Montgomery\u2019s buses. News of the boycott spread through newspaper notices and by word of mouth; ministers rallied their congregations to support the Women\u2019s Political Council. Their efforts were successful, and forty thousand African American riders did not take the bus on December 5, the first day of the boycott.<\/p>\r\nOther African American leaders within the city embraced the boycott and maintained it beyond December 5, Rosa Parks\u2019 court date. Among them was a young minister named Martin Luther King, Jr. For the next year, Black Montgomery residents avoided the city\u2019s buses. Some organized carpools. Others paid for rides in African American-owned taxis, whose drivers reduced their fees. Most walked to and from school, work, and church for 381 days, the duration of the boycott. In June 1956, an Alabama federal court found the segregation ordinance unconstitutional. The city appealed, but the Supreme Court upheld the decision. The city\u2019s buses were desegregated.\r\n<p id=\"fs-idm475397328\">The Montgomery bus boycott made King a national civil rights leader and charismatic symbol of black equality. Other black ministers and activists like Abernathy, Rev. Fred Shuttlesworth, Bayard Rustin, and Ella Baker also became prominent figures in the civil rights movement. The ministers formed the <span id=\"term568\" data-type=\"term\">Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC)<\/span> to protest white supremacy and work for voting rights throughout the South, testifying to the importance of black churches and ministers as a vital element of the civil rights movement.<\/p>\r\n<p id=\"fs-idm654552672\">The Montgomery bus boycott paved the way for the civil rights movement to demand freedom and equality for African Americans and transformed American politics, culture, and society by helping create the strategies, support networks, leadership, vision, and spiritual direction of the movement. It demonstrated that ordinary African American citizens could band together at the local level to demand and win in their struggle for equal rights and dignity. The Montgomery experience laid the foundations for the next decade of a nonviolent direct-action movement for equal civil rights for African Americans.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<div class=\"textbox tryit\">\r\n<h3>Try It<\/h3>\r\nhttps:\/\/assess.lumenlearning.com\/practice\/1b051fc0-5dd2-4657-8590-fcb147582809\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<div class=\"textbox examples\">\r\n<h3>watch It<\/h3>\r\nWatch this video to learn about the early civil rights movement and the societal changes of the 1950s, including suburbanization, segregation, desegregation, significant court cases, and\u00a0major civil rights acts, such as the Montgomery Bus Boycott.\r\n\r\nhttps:\/\/youtu.be\/S64zRnnn4Po?t=1s\r\n\r\nYou can view the\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/course-building.s3.us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/US+history+II\/CivilRightsandthe1950sCrashCourseUSHistory39.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">transcript for \u201cCivil Rights and the 1950s: Crash Course US History #39\u201d here (opens in new window)<\/a>.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<div class=\"textbox tryit\">\r\n<h3>Try It<\/h3>\r\nhttps:\/\/assess.lumenlearning.com\/practice\/b20d2cee-f621-47c9-8b8f-a83f1d19ccd5\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<div class=\"textbox learning-objectives\">\r\n<h3>Glossary<\/h3>\r\n<strong><em data-effect=\"italics\">Brown v. Board of Education:\u00a0<\/em><\/strong><em data-effect=\"italics\">\u00a0unanimous Supreme Court ruling that racial segregation violated the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. The court\u2019s decision declared, \u201cSeparate educational facilities are inherently unequal.\u201d<\/em>\r\n\r\n<strong>desegregation:\u00a0<\/strong>the removal of laws and policies requiring the separation of different racial or ethnic groups\r\n\r\n<strong>Little Rock Nine:\u00a0<\/strong>the nickname for the nine African American high school students who first integrated Little Rock\u2019s Central High School\r\n\r\n<strong>states\u2019 rights:\u00a0<\/strong>the political belief that states possess authority beyond federal law, which is usually seen as the supreme law of the land, and thus can act in opposition to federal law\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/section>","rendered":"<section id=\"fs-idm133638320\" data-depth=\"1\">\n<div class=\"textbox learning-objectives\">\n<h3>Learning Objectives<\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Explain the <em>Brown v. Board of Education<\/em> decision and efforts to end segregation<\/li>\n<li>Describe 1950s civil rights milestones and responses to efforts to end discrimination<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div>\n<p id=\"fs-idm26222320\">Until 1954, racial segregation in education was not only legal but was required in seventeen states and permissible in several others. Utilizing evidence from the sociological research of Kenneth Clark and Gunnar Myrdal, however, Thurgood Marshall, then chief counsel for the NAACP, successfully\u00a0argued the landmark case <strong><em data-effect=\"italics\">Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas<\/em><\/strong> before the Supreme Court of Chief Justice Earl Warren. Marshall showed that the practice of segregation in public schools made African American students feel inferior. Even if the facilities provided were equal in nature, the Court noted in its decision, the very fact that some students were separated from others on the basis of their race made segregation unconstitutional.<\/p>\n<figure id=\"CNX_History_28_05_Brown\">\n<div style=\"width: 595px\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images-archive-read-only\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/884\/2015\/08\/23203316\/CNX_History_28_05_Brown.jpg\" alt=\"A map entitled \u201cU.S. School Segregation prior to Brown v. Board of Education\u201d shows the states in which school segregation was mandatory; the states in which school segregation was optional; the states in which school segregation was forbidden; and the states in which school segregation legislation did not exist. States with mandatory school segregation included Texas, Oklahoma, Missouri, Arkansas, Louisiana, Kentucky, Tennessee, Mississippi, West Virginia, Alabama, Virginia and Maryland (including Washington, D.C.), Delaware, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida. States with optional school segregation included Arizona, Wyoming, New Mexico, and Kansas. States forbidding school segregation included Washington, Idaho, Colorado, Minnesota, Iowa, Wisconsin, Illinois, Michigan, Indiana, Ohio, Pennsylvania, New York, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, and New Jersey. States with no school segregation legislation included Oregon, California, Nevada, Utah, Montana, North Dakota, South Dakota, Nebraska, Maine, New Hampshire, and Vermont.\" width=\"585\" height=\"442\" data-media-type=\"image\/jpeg\" \/><\/p>\n<p class=\"wp-caption-text\"><strong>Figure 1<\/strong>. This map shows those states in which racial segregation in public education was required by law before the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision. In 1960, four years later, fewer than 10 percent of southern African American students attended the same schools as white students.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/figure>\n<div id=\"fs-idp114043248\" class=\"history defining-american\" data-type=\"note\" data-label=\"Defining American\">\n<div class=\"textbox key-takeaways\">\n<h3>Thurgood Marshall on Fighting Racism<\/h3>\n<p id=\"fs-idp16642624\">As a law student in 1933, Thurgood Marshall\u00a0was recruited by his mentor Charles Hamilton Houston to assist in gathering information for the defense of a Black man in Virginia accused of killing two White women. His continued close association with Houston led Marshall to aggressively defend Black people in the courts and to use the legal system as means of securing equal rights in accordance with the Constitution. Houston also suggested that it would be important to establish legal precedents regarding the <strong><em data-effect=\"italics\">Plessy v. Ferguson<\/em><\/strong> ruling of separate but equal.<\/p>\n<figure id=\"CNX_History_28_05_TMarshall\">\n<div style=\"width: 400px\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images-archive-read-only\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/884\/2015\/08\/23203317\/CNX_History_28_05_TMarshall.jpg\" alt=\"A photograph shows Henry L. Moon, Roy Wilkins, Herbert Hill, and Thurgood Marshall holding up a poster that reads \u201cStamp Out Mississippi-ism! Join NAACP.\u201d In the middle of the poster, a graphic shows the state of Mississippi with a tombstone in the center. The tombstone displays the names of four African Americans murdered in Mississippi in 1955.\" width=\"390\" height=\"314\" data-media-type=\"image\/jpeg\" \/><\/p>\n<p class=\"wp-caption-text\"><strong>Figure 2<\/strong>. In 1956, NAACP leaders (from left to right) Henry L. Moon, Roy Wilkins, Herbert Hill, and Thurgood Marshall present a new poster in the campaign against southern white racism. Marshall successfully argued the landmark case Brown v. Board of Education (1954) before the U.S. Supreme Court and later became the court\u2019s first African American justice.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/figure>\n<p id=\"fs-idm64540352\">By 1938, Marshall had become \u201cMr. Civil Rights\u201d and in 1940 formally organized the NAACP\u2019s Legal Defense and Education Fund to garner the resources necessary for challenging entrenched race-based inequalities in the American justice system. A direct result of Marshall\u2019s energies and commitment was his 1940 victory in a Supreme Court case, <em data-effect=\"italics\">Chambers v. Florida<\/em>, which held that confessions obtained by violence and torture were inadmissible in a court of law. His most well-known case was <em data-effect=\"italics\">Brown v. Board of Education<\/em> in 1954, which held that state laws establishing separate public schools for Black and White students were unconstitutional.<\/p>\n<p id=\"fs-idm80780512\">Later in life, Marshall reflected on his career fighting racism in a speech at Howard Law School in 1978:<\/p>\n<blockquote id=\"fs-idp21433136\">\n<div>Be aware of that myth, that everything is going to be all right. Don\u2019t give in. I add that, because it seems to me, that what we need to do today is to refocus. Back in the 30s and 40s, we could go no place but to court. We knew then, the court was not the final solution. Many of us knew the final solution would have to be politics, if for no other reason, politics is cheaper than lawsuits. So now we have both. We have our legal arm, and we have our political arm. Let\u2019s use them both. And don\u2019t listen to this myth that it can be solved by either or that it has already been solved. Take it from me, it has not been solved.<\/div>\n<\/blockquote>\n<p id=\"fs-idp28870960\">When Marshall says that the problems of racism have not been solved, to what was he referring?<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<p id=\"fs-idp28870960\">Though <em>Plessy<\/em><em style=\"font-size: 1rem; text-align: initial;\" data-effect=\"italics\"> v. Fergusson<\/em><span style=\"font-size: 1rem; text-align: initial;\"> had been overturned, the challenge now was to integrate schools. A year after <em>Brown<\/em>, the Supreme Court ordered southern school systems to begin <\/span><strong style=\"font-size: 1rem; text-align: initial;\">desegregation<\/strong><span style=\"font-size: 1rem; text-align: initial;\"> \u201cwith all deliberate speed.\u201d Some school districts voluntarily integrated their schools. For many other districts, however, \u201cdeliberate speed\u201d proved to be very slow.<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div style=\"width: 400px\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images-archive-read-only\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/884\/2015\/08\/23203319\/CNX_History_28_05_LittleRock.jpg\" alt=\"A photograph shows uniformed soldiers holding rifles as they escort the Little Rock Nine up the steps of Central High School.\" width=\"390\" height=\"257\" data-media-type=\"image\/jpeg\" \/><\/p>\n<p class=\"wp-caption-text\"><strong>Figure 3<\/strong>. In 1957, U.S. soldiers from the 101st Airborne were called in to escort the Little Rock Nine into and around formerly all-white Central High School in Little Rock, Arkansas.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<p id=\"fs-idp82654144\">It soon became clear that enforcing <em data-effect=\"italics\">Brown v. Board of Education<\/em> would require presidential intervention. Eisenhower did not agree with the Supreme Court\u2019s decision and did not wish to force southern states to integrate their schools. However, as president he was responsible for doing so. In 1957, Central High School in Little Rock, Arkansas, was forced to accept its first nine African American students, who became known as the <strong>Little Rock Nine<\/strong>. In response, Arkansas governor Orval Faubus called out the state National Guard to prevent the students from attending classes, removing the troops only after Eisenhower told him to do so. A subsequent attempt by the nine students to attend school resulted in mob violence. Eisenhower then placed the Arkansas National Guard under federal control and sent the U.S. Army\u2019s 101st Airborne Division to escort the students to and from school as well as from class to class. This was the first time since the end of Reconstruction that federal troops were required to protect the rights of African Americans in the South.<\/p>\n<p id=\"fs-idp48340144\">Throughout the school year, the Little Rock Nine were insulted, harassed, and physically assaulted; nevertheless, they returned to school each day. At the end of the year, the first African American student graduated from Central High. At the beginning of the 1958\u20131959 school year, Faubus ordered all Little Rock public schools closed. In the opinion of White segregationists, keeping all students out of school was preferable to having them attend integrated schools. In 1959, the Supreme Court ruled that the school had to be reopened and that the process of desegregation had to proceed.<\/p>\n<\/section>\n<section id=\"fs-idp161293520\" data-depth=\"1\">\n<h2 data-type=\"title\">White Responses<\/h2>\n<p id=\"fs-idp71083168\">Efforts to desegregate public schools led to a backlash among many southern Whites, who greeted the <em data-effect=\"italics\">Brown<\/em> decision with horror. Some World War II veterans questioned how the government they had fought for could betray them in such a fashion. Some White parents promptly withdrew their children from public schools and enrolled them in exclusively White private academies, many of which had been newly created for the sole purpose of keeping White children from attending integrated schools. Often, these \u201cacademies\u201d held classes in neighbors\u2019 basements or living rooms.<\/p>\n<p id=\"fs-idp119032384\">Other White southerners turned to state legislatures or courts to solve the problem of school integration. Orders to integrate school districts were routinely challenged in court. When the lawsuits proved unsuccessful, many southern school districts responded by closing all public schools, as governor Faubus had done after Central High School was integrated. One county in Virginia closed its public schools for five years rather than see them integrated. Besides suing school districts, many southern segregationists filed lawsuits against the NAACP, trying to bankrupt the organization. Many national politicians supported the segregationist efforts. In 1956, ninety-six members of Congress signed \u201cThe Southern Manifesto,\u201d in which they accused the Supreme Court of misusing its power and violating the principle of <strong>states\u2019 rights<\/strong>, which maintained that states had rights equal to those of the federal government.<\/p>\n<h3>Emmett Till<\/h3>\n<p id=\"fs-idp45783664\">Unfortunately, many White southern racists, frightened by challenges to the social order, responded with violence. When Little Rock\u2019s Central High School desegregated, an irate Ku Klux Klansman from a neighboring community sent a letter to the members of the city\u2019s school board in which he denounced them as communists and threatened to kill them. White rage sometimes erupted into murder.<\/p>\n<p>In the summer of 1955, two White men in Mississippi kidnapped and brutally murdered fourteen-year-old Emmett Till. Till, visiting from Chicago and perhaps unfamiliar with the \u201cetiquette\u201d of Jim Crow, allegedly whistled at a White woman named Carolyn Bryant. Her husband, Roy Bryant, and another man, J. W. Milam, abducted Till from his relatives\u2019 home, beat him, mutilated him, shot him, and threw his body in the Tallahatchie River. Emmett\u2019s mother, Mamie, held an open-casket funeral so that Till\u2019s disfigured body could be shown in national news coverage. The men were brought to trial. Though the evidence was damning, an exclusively White jury found the two men not guilty. Mere months after the decision, they boasted of their crime, in all of its brutal detail, in\u00a0<em>Look<\/em>\u00a0magazine. \u201cThey ain\u2019t gonna go to school with my kids,\u201d Milam said. They wanted \u201cto make an example of [Till]\u2014just so everybody can know how me and my folks stand.\u201d<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"William Bradford Huie, \u201cThe Shocking Story of Approved Killing in Mississippi,\u201d Look (January 24, 1956), 46\u201350.\" id=\"return-footnote-1818-1\" href=\"#footnote-1818-1\" aria-label=\"Footnote 1\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[1]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p id=\"fs-idm343406112\">At the trial, Mamie Till delivered emotional testimony, but the all-white jury set the men free. White juries rarely enforced the rule of law in the segregated South, and Whites accused of heinous crimes were usually acquitted. So Till\u2019s killers confessed to the crime but were never punished, and <em data-effect=\"italics\">Look<\/em> magazine paid them for their story. Television, too, was increasingly making Northern Whites more aware of the gross injustices suffered by African Americans in the South, such as the violence in Birmingham a few years later.<\/p>\n<p id=\"fs-idm388701248\">Because of Mamie Till\u2019s determined efforts, the lynching and trial drew unprecedented national and world outrage over the murder of an African American, soiling America\u2019s image in the Cold War against Communism, especially in developing nations. It washed out the optimism Black Americans had felt a year earlier when the Supreme Court\u2019s <em data-effect=\"italics\">Brown<\/em> decision outlawed segregated schools. During the fall of 1955, several hundred thousand joined rallies protesting Till\u2019s murder in Chicago and other large cities. The growing coalition of churches, labor unions, and black organizations that marched helped launch the emerging civil rights movement, in conjunction with the simultaneous Montgomery Bus Boycott. Indeed, Rosa Parks was among those moved by Till&#8217;s murder, and in the early 1960s, the lunch-counter protesters and freedom riders called themselves the \u201cEmmett Till generation.\u201d<\/p>\n<\/section>\n<section id=\"fs-idp26450448\" data-depth=\"1\">\n<h2 data-type=\"title\">The Montgomery Bus Boycott<\/h2>\n<p id=\"fs-idm9523536\">One of those inspired by Till\u2019s death was Rosa Parks, an NAACP member from Montgomery, Alabama, who became the face of the 1955\u20131956 Montgomery Bus Boycott. City ordinances segregated the city\u2019s buses, forcing African American passengers to ride in the back section. They had to enter through the rear of the bus, could not share seats with White passengers, and if the front of the bus was full and a White passenger requested an African American\u2019s seat, were required to relinquish their place. The bus company also refused to hire African American drivers even though most of the people who rode the buses were Black.<\/p>\n<p id=\"fs-idp112586256\">On December 1, 1955, Rosa Parks refused to give her seat to a White man, and the Montgomery police arrested her. After being bailed out of jail, she decided to fight the laws requiring segregation in court. To support her, the Women\u2019s Political Council, a group of African American female activists, organized a boycott of Montgomery\u2019s buses. News of the boycott spread through newspaper notices and by word of mouth; ministers rallied their congregations to support the Women\u2019s Political Council. Their efforts were successful, and forty thousand African American riders did not take the bus on December 5, the first day of the boycott.<\/p>\n<p>Other African American leaders within the city embraced the boycott and maintained it beyond December 5, Rosa Parks\u2019 court date. Among them was a young minister named Martin Luther King, Jr. For the next year, Black Montgomery residents avoided the city\u2019s buses. Some organized carpools. Others paid for rides in African American-owned taxis, whose drivers reduced their fees. Most walked to and from school, work, and church for 381 days, the duration of the boycott. In June 1956, an Alabama federal court found the segregation ordinance unconstitutional. The city appealed, but the Supreme Court upheld the decision. The city\u2019s buses were desegregated.<\/p>\n<p id=\"fs-idm475397328\">The Montgomery bus boycott made King a national civil rights leader and charismatic symbol of black equality. Other black ministers and activists like Abernathy, Rev. Fred Shuttlesworth, Bayard Rustin, and Ella Baker also became prominent figures in the civil rights movement. The ministers formed the <span id=\"term568\" data-type=\"term\">Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC)<\/span> to protest white supremacy and work for voting rights throughout the South, testifying to the importance of black churches and ministers as a vital element of the civil rights movement.<\/p>\n<p id=\"fs-idm654552672\">The Montgomery bus boycott paved the way for the civil rights movement to demand freedom and equality for African Americans and transformed American politics, culture, and society by helping create the strategies, support networks, leadership, vision, and spiritual direction of the movement. It demonstrated that ordinary African American citizens could band together at the local level to demand and win in their struggle for equal rights and dignity. The Montgomery experience laid the foundations for the next decade of a nonviolent direct-action movement for equal civil rights for African Americans.<\/p>\n<div class=\"textbox tryit\">\n<h3>Try It<\/h3>\n<p>\t<iframe id=\"assessment_practice_1b051fc0-5dd2-4657-8590-fcb147582809\" class=\"resizable\" src=\"https:\/\/assess.lumenlearning.com\/practice\/1b051fc0-5dd2-4657-8590-fcb147582809?iframe_resize_id=assessment_practice_id_1b051fc0-5dd2-4657-8590-fcb147582809\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;width:100%;height:100%;min-height:300px;\"><br \/>\n\t<\/iframe><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"textbox examples\">\n<h3>watch It<\/h3>\n<p>Watch this video to learn about the early civil rights movement and the societal changes of the 1950s, including suburbanization, segregation, desegregation, significant court cases, and\u00a0major civil rights acts, such as the Montgomery Bus Boycott.<\/p>\n<p><iframe loading=\"lazy\" id=\"oembed-1\" title=\"Civil Rights and the 1950s: Crash Course US History #39\" width=\"500\" height=\"281\" src=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/embed\/S64zRnnn4Po?start=1&#38;feature=oembed\" frameborder=\"0\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\"><\/iframe><\/p>\n<p>You can view the\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/course-building.s3.us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/US+history+II\/CivilRightsandthe1950sCrashCourseUSHistory39.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">transcript for \u201cCivil Rights and the 1950s: Crash Course US History #39\u201d here (opens in new window)<\/a>.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"textbox tryit\">\n<h3>Try It<\/h3>\n<p>\t<iframe id=\"assessment_practice_b20d2cee-f621-47c9-8b8f-a83f1d19ccd5\" class=\"resizable\" src=\"https:\/\/assess.lumenlearning.com\/practice\/b20d2cee-f621-47c9-8b8f-a83f1d19ccd5?iframe_resize_id=assessment_practice_id_b20d2cee-f621-47c9-8b8f-a83f1d19ccd5\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;width:100%;height:100%;min-height:300px;\"><br \/>\n\t<\/iframe><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"textbox learning-objectives\">\n<h3>Glossary<\/h3>\n<p><strong><em data-effect=\"italics\">Brown v. Board of Education:\u00a0<\/em><\/strong><em data-effect=\"italics\">\u00a0unanimous Supreme Court ruling that racial segregation violated the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. The court\u2019s decision declared, \u201cSeparate educational facilities are inherently unequal.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n<p><strong>desegregation:\u00a0<\/strong>the removal of laws and policies requiring the separation of different racial or ethnic groups<\/p>\n<p><strong>Little Rock Nine:\u00a0<\/strong>the nickname for the nine African American high school students who first integrated Little Rock\u2019s Central High School<\/p>\n<p><strong>states\u2019 rights:\u00a0<\/strong>the political belief that states possess authority beyond federal law, which is usually seen as the supreme law of the land, and thus can act in opposition to federal law<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/section>\n\n\t\t\t <section class=\"citations-section\" role=\"contentinfo\">\n\t\t\t <h3>Candela Citations<\/h3>\n\t\t\t\t\t <div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t <div id=\"citation-list-1818\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t <div class=\"licensing\"><div class=\"license-attribution-dropdown-subheading\">CC licensed content, Shared previously<\/div><ul class=\"citation-list\"><li>US History. <strong>Provided by<\/strong>: OpenStax. <strong>Located at<\/strong>: <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/openstaxcollege.org\/textbooks\/us-history\">http:\/\/openstaxcollege.org\/textbooks\/us-history<\/a>. <strong>License<\/strong>: <em><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"license\" href=\"https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/licenses\/by\/4.0\/\">CC BY: Attribution<\/a><\/em>. <strong>License Terms<\/strong>: Access for free at https:\/\/openstax.org\/books\/us-history\/pages\/1-introduction<\/li><li>Civil Rights in an Affluent Society. <strong>Provided by<\/strong>: The American Yawp. <strong>Located at<\/strong>: <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"https:\/\/www.americanyawp.com\/text\/26-the-affluent-society\/#footnote_17_117\">https:\/\/www.americanyawp.com\/text\/26-the-affluent-society\/#footnote_17_117<\/a>. <strong>License<\/strong>: <em><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"license\" href=\"https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/licenses\/by\/4.0\/\">CC BY: Attribution<\/a><\/em><\/li><li>Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of Happiness. <strong>Authored by<\/strong>: Stewart Burns . <strong>Provided by<\/strong>: Open Stax. <strong>Located at<\/strong>: <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"https:\/\/cnx.org\/contents\/NgBFhmUc@11.2:Y793Ghie@2\/13-10-ud83dudd0e-The-Murder-of-Emmett-Till\">https:\/\/cnx.org\/contents\/NgBFhmUc@11.2:Y793Ghie@2\/13-10-ud83dudd0e-The-Murder-of-Emmett-Till<\/a>. <strong>License<\/strong>: <em><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"license\" href=\"https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/licenses\/by-sa\/4.0\/\">CC BY-SA: Attribution-ShareAlike<\/a><\/em><\/li><\/ul><div class=\"license-attribution-dropdown-subheading\">All rights reserved content<\/div><ul class=\"citation-list\"><li>Civil Rights and the 1950s: Crash Course US History #39. <strong>Provided by<\/strong>: Crash Course. <strong>Located at<\/strong>: <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"https:\/\/youtu.be\/S64zRnnn4Po?t=1s\">https:\/\/youtu.be\/S64zRnnn4Po?t=1s<\/a>. <strong>License<\/strong>: <em>All Rights Reserved<\/em>. <strong>License Terms<\/strong>: Standard YouTube License<\/li><\/ul><\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t <\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t <\/div>\n\t\t\t <\/section><hr class=\"before-footnotes clear\" \/><div class=\"footnotes\"><ol><li id=\"footnote-1818-1\">William Bradford Huie, \u201cThe Shocking Story of Approved Killing in Mississippi,\u201d Look (January 24, 1956), 46\u201350. <a href=\"#return-footnote-1818-1\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 1\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><\/ol><\/div>","protected":false},"author":23592,"menu_order":15,"template":"","meta":{"_candela_citation":"[{\"type\":\"cc\",\"description\":\"US History\",\"author\":\"\",\"organization\":\"OpenStax\",\"url\":\"http:\/\/openstaxcollege.org\/textbooks\/us-history\",\"project\":\"\",\"license\":\"cc-by\",\"license_terms\":\"Access for free at 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