{"id":2185,"date":"2021-11-18T01:13:05","date_gmt":"2021-11-18T01:13:05","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/wm-ushistory2\/?post_type=chapter&#038;p=2185"},"modified":"2022-09-09T22:06:36","modified_gmt":"2022-09-09T22:06:36","slug":"the-new-south","status":"publish","type":"chapter","link":"https:\/\/courses.lumenlearning.com\/wm-ushistory2\/chapter\/the-new-south\/","title":{"raw":"The New South","rendered":"The New South"},"content":{"raw":"<div class=\"textbox learning-objectives\">\r\n<h3>Learning Outcomes<\/h3>\r\n<ul>\r\n \t<li>Examine how urbanization and modernization in the South changed its society during the Gilded Age<\/li>\r\n \t<li>Explain the\u00a0Jim Crow laws and\u00a0lynchings that discriminated against Black Americans in the South<\/li>\r\n<\/ul>\r\n<\/div>\r\nThe \"Gilded Age\" often evokes images of crowded, sordid cities in the Northeast. Yet the South was not immune from rapid industrialization either. With the plantation system irrevocably altered by the Civil War and Reconstruction, it became clear that the South must modernize and embrace towns and industry if it hoped to thrive in the late 19th century.\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_2186\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"515\"]<a href=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/5696\/2021\/11\/18010617\/Kimball-house-1890.jpeg\"><img class=\"wp-image-2186 \" src=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/5696\/2021\/11\/18010617\/Kimball-house-1890.jpeg\" alt=\"A photograph of the impressive Kimball House Hotel. \" width=\"515\" height=\"369\" \/><\/a> <strong>Figure 1<\/strong>. The ambitions of Atlanta, seen in the construction of such grand buildings as the Kimball House Hotel, reflected the larger regional aspirations of the so-called New South. 1890.[\/caption]\r\n<h2>The New South<\/h2>\r\n\u201cThere was a South of slavery and secession,\u201d\u00a0<em>Atlanta Constitution<\/em>\u00a0editor Henry Grady proclaimed in an 1886 speech in New York. \u201cThat South is dead.\u201d[footnote]Henry Grady, The Complete Orations and Speeches of Henry Grady, ed. Edwin DuBois Shurter (New York: Hinds, Noble and Eldredge, 1910), 7.[\/footnote]\u00a0Grady captured the sentiment of many White southern business and political leaders who imagined a New South that could\u00a0move beyond its\u00a0past by embracing industrialization and diversified agriculture. He promoted the region\u2019s economic possibilities through an alliance of northern capital and southern labor from which both sides might benefit. Grady and other New South boosters hoped to shape the region\u2019s economy in the North\u2019s image. They wanted industry and they wanted infrastructure while maintaining a distinctly southern identity that was proud of its heritage.\u00a0This vision did come to pass, in a fashion. While cities and towns did grow and thrive, the South's lineage of racialized violence and social hierarchy would endure.\r\n\r\nA \u201cNew South\u201d was desperately needed. The Confederacy\u2019s failed insurrection wreaked havoc on the southern economy and crippled southern prestige. Property was destroyed. Lives were lost. Political power vanished. And four million enslaved Americans\u2014representing the wealth and power of the antebellum White South\u2014threw off their chains and walked proudly forward into freedom.\u00a0Moreover, the North's overwhelming advantage in manufacturing and infrastructure played no small role in the Confederacy's defeat.\r\n\r\nEmancipation unsettled the southern social order. When Reconstruction regimes attempted to grant freedpeople full citizenship rights, anxious White\u00a0southerners\u00a0struck back. From their fear, anger, and resentment they lashed out, not only in organized terrorist organizations such as the Ku Klux Klan but through political corruption, economic exploitation, and violent intimidation. White southerners took back control of state and local governments and used their reclaimed power to disenfranchise African Americans and pass \u201cJim Crow\u201d laws segregating schools, transportation, employment, and various public and private facilities. The re-establishment of White supremacy after the \u201credemption\u201d of the South through Reconstruction contradicted proclamations of a \u201cNew\u201d South. Perhaps nothing\u00a0echoed\u00a0back to the barbaric southern past than the wave of <strong>lynchings<\/strong>\u2014the extralegal (outside of the law) murder of individuals by vigilantes\u2014that washed across the South after Reconstruction. Whether for actual crimes or fabricated crimes or for no crimes at all, White mobs murdered roughly five thousand African Americans between the 1880s and the 1950s.\r\n<div class=\"textbox examples\">\r\n<h3>Watch It<\/h3>\r\nThis video explains some of the economic woes in the New South during the late nineteenth century and the myth that there was a \"New South.\"\r\n\r\n<center><iframe src=\"\/\/plugin.3playmedia.com\/show?mf=8159761&amp;p3sdk_version=1.10.1&amp;p=20361&amp;pt=375&amp;video_id=sqDbY-KUpxI&amp;video_target=tpm-plugin-o63zn3mn-sqDbY-KUpxI\" width=\"800px\" height=\"450px\" frameborder=\"0\" marginwidth=\"0px\" marginheight=\"0px\"><\/iframe><\/center><center>You can view the\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/course-building.s3.us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/US+history+II\/economicwoesofthenewsouth.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">transcript for \u201cEconomic Woes of the New South\u201d here (opens in new window)<\/a>.<\/center><\/div>\r\n<h2>Economic Development in the South<\/h2>\r\nNew South boosters struggled to wrench the South, ever mindful of its past,\u00a0into the modern world. The railroads became their initial area of focus. The region had lagged behind the North in the railroad building boom of the mid-nineteenth century, and postwar expansion facilitated connections between the most rural segments of the population and the region\u2019s rising urban areas. Boosters campaigned for the construction of new hard-surfaced roads as well, arguing that improved roads would further increase the flow of goods and people and entice northern businesses to\u00a0invest\u00a0in the region.\u00a0Crucially, the South shifted from 5-foot gauges to the standard 4-foot gauges used by the rest of the country in 1886. This may seem like a small change, but it\u00a0drastically expanded\u00a0the economic and social links connecting North and South.\u00a0The rising popularity of the automobile after the turn of the century only increased pressure for the construction of reliable roads between cities, towns, county seats, and the vast farmlands of the South.\r\n\r\nAlong with new transportation networks, New South boosters continued to promote industrial growth. The region witnessed the rise of various manufacturing industries, predominantly textiles, tobacco, furniture, and steel. Two of the most significant businesses to arise from the New South included the American Tobacco Company of North Carolina\u2014which later evolved into Pall Mall and Lucky Strike cigarettes\u2014and Coca-Cola, headquartered in Atlanta. Northern\u00a0Alabama's rich mineral wealth also facilitated a booming iron and steel industry.\u00a0While agriculture, cotton in particular, remained the mainstay of the region\u2019s economy, these new industries provided new wealth for owners, new investments for the region and new opportunities for the exploding number of landless farmers to finally flee the land. Industries offered low-paying jobs but also opportunities for the rural poor who could no longer sustain themselves through subsistence farming. Men, women, and children all moved into wage work. At the turn of the twentieth century, nearly one-fourth of southern mill workers were children aged six to sixteen, and nearly forty percent were women.\u00a0Wages were often only half of what an equivalent worker in a New England mill town might earn.\r\n\r\nIn most cases, as in most aspects of life in the New South, new factory jobs were racially segregated. Better-paying jobs were reserved for White people, while the most dangerous, labor-intensive, dirtiest, and lowest-paying positions were relegated to Black people. Black women, shut out of most industries, found employment most often as domestic help for White families. As poor as White southern mill workers were, southern Black people were poorer. Some White mill workers could even afford to pay for domestic help in caring for young children, cleaning houses, doing laundry, and cooking meals. Mill villages that grew up alongside factories were Whites-only, and African American families were pushed to the outer perimeter of the settlements.\r\n<div class=\"textbox examples\">\r\n<h3>Pop goes southern industry<\/h3>\r\nTo this day, Coca-Cola is often seen as the quintessential American consumer product. Its success has a foot in both the New South and the Civil War which preceded it. Wounded while fighting for the Confederacy, John Stith Pemberton became addicted to morphine. Wracked by stomach pain, he attempted to devise\u2014and market\u2014an alternative that did not use morphine. His first attempt was a blatant copy of an existing concoction of French wine and cocaine. When temperance laws in Atlanta banned the sale of alcoholic drinks, Pemberton went back to the drawing board. His solution used liberal amounts of sugar and caffeine, laced with coca leaf extract (not cocaine as the white powder it's known as today, but from the same coco plant). The drink was named after this, plus the caffeine and flavoring coming from the cola nut. (The coco leaf extract was eventually removed from the formula and is no longer in the drink today.)\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"\" align=\"aligncenter\" width=\"712\"]<img src=\"https:\/\/upload.wikimedia.org\/wikipedia\/commons\/thumb\/2\/26\/19th_century_Coca-Cola_coupon.jpg\/1280px-19th_century_Coca-Cola_coupon.jpg\" alt=\"Coupon saying &quot;This card entitles you to on glass of free Coca-Cola at the fountain of any dispenser of genuine Coca-Cola.\" width=\"712\" height=\"355\" \/> <strong>Figure 2<\/strong>. By some accounts, this is the first coupon ever printed. This ticket for a free glass of Coca-Cola was first distributed in 1888 to help promote the drink. By 1913, the company had redeemed 8.5 million tickets.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nPemberton died shortly after selling his formula, which soon became wildly popular. Its success was contingent on advertising in mass media, a national rail system, and financial capital to bottle and ship the product on a massive industrial scale. As historian Richard White wrote of Pemberton, \"this casualty of the Old South invented the most famous product of the New South.\"[footnote]Richard White, The Republic for Which It Stands: the United States During Reconstruction and the Gilded Age, 1865-1896. New York: Oxford University Press, 2017, 683.[\/footnote]Pemberton used mass printing to distribute coupons for a free glass of Coca-Cola and made the soft drink ubiquitous by advertising on streetcars and billboards, two novel features in booming Southern cities such as Atlanta.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<h2>Lynching<\/h2>\r\nLynching was not just murder, it was a ritual rich with symbolism. Victims were not simply hanged, they were mutilated, burned alive, and shot. Lynchings could become carnivals, public spectacles attended by thousands of eager spectators. Rail lines ran special cars to accommodate the rush of participants. Vendors sold goods and keepsakes. Perpetrators posed for photos and collected mementos. And it was increasingly common. One notorious example occurred in Georgia in 1899. Accused of killing his white employer and raping the man\u2019s wife, Sam Hose was captured by a mob and taken to the town of Newnan. Word of the impending lynching quickly spread, and specially chartered passenger trains brought some four thousand visitors from Atlanta to witness the gruesome affair. Members of the mob tortured Hose for about an hour. They sliced off pieces of his body as he screamed in agony. Then they poured a can of kerosene over his body and burned him alive.\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_5626\" align=\"aligncenter\" width=\"814\"]<a href=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/5696\/2021\/11\/28131845\/Lynching-of-will-james.jpg\"><img class=\"wp-image-5626 \" src=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/5696\/2021\/11\/28131845\/Lynching-of-will-james.jpg\" alt=\"Photograph of a huge crown of a thousand onlookers gathering for a lynching. \" width=\"814\" height=\"501\" \/><\/a> <strong>Figure 3<\/strong>. A crowd gathered for the lynching of African American Will James in Cairo, Illinois, on November 11, 1909. Participating in a lynching was seen by some White southerners as both a day's entertainment and a chance to defend the honor of White women. Frequently participants collected gruesome mementos or sent postcards depicting victims' corpses. After Reconstruction, images such as these reinforced the concept that proper order had been restored to a \"redeemed\" South.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nAt the barbaric height of southern lynching in the last years of the nineteenth century, southerners lynched two to three African Americans every week. In general, lynchings were most frequent in the Cotton Belt of the Lower South, where Black southerners were most numerous and where the majority worked as tenant farmers and field hands on the cotton farms of White landowners. The states of Mississippi and Georgia had the greatest number of recorded lynchings: from 1880 to 1930, Mississippi lynch mobs killed over five hundred African Americans; Georgia mobs murdered more than four hundred.\u00a0Like so many hallmarks of the New South, it had its origins in the antebellum era. At that time, \"slave patrols\" dotted the landscape in search of escapees and possible rebellion. The pursuit and punishment of suspected Black criminals devolved into private hands.\r\n\r\nThroughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, a number of prominent southerners openly supported lynching, arguing that it was a necessary evil to punish Black rapists and deter others. In the late 1890s, Georgia newspaper columnist and noted women\u2019s rights activist Rebecca Latimer Felton\u2014who would later become the first woman to serve in the U.S. Senate\u2014endorsed such extrajudicial killings. She said, \u201cIf it takes lynching to protect women\u2019s dearest possession from drunken, ravening beasts, then I say lynch a thousand a week.\u201d[footnote]Grace Elizabeth Hale, Making Whiteness: The Culture of Segregation in the South, 1890\u20131940 (New York: Pantheon Books, 1998), 201[\/footnote]\u00a0When opponents argued that lynching violated victims\u2019 constitutional rights, South Carolina governor Coleman Blease angrily responded, \u201cWhenever the Constitution comes between me and the virtue of the White women of South Carolina, I say to hell with the Constitution.\u201d[footnote]Jacquelyn Dowd Hall, Revolt Against Chivalry: Jessie Daniel Ames and the Women\u2019s Campaign Against Lynching (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993), 195.[\/footnote]\u00a0These comments by Felton and Blease underscore how lynching was frequently justified: by appealing to the virtue of White womanhood and portraying these violent deeds as honorable acts of protection.\r\n<h2>Resistance to Lynching<\/h2>\r\nBlack activists and White allies worked to outlaw lynching. Ida B. Wells, an African American woman born in the last years of slavery and a pioneering anti-lynching advocate, lost three friends to a lynch mob in Memphis, Tennessee in 1892. That year, Wells published\u00a0<em>Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases<\/em>, a groundbreaking work that documented the South\u2019s lynching culture and exposed the myth of the Black rapist. She prefaced her work by saying,\u00a0\u201cSomebody must show that the Afro-American race is more sinned against than sinning, and it seems to have fallen upon me to do so.\u201d[footnote]Ida B. Wells, <em>Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases<\/em> (1892)[\/footnote]\r\n\r\nThe Tuskegee Institute and the NAACP both compiled and publicized lists of every reported lynching in the United States. In 1918, Representative Leonidas Dyer of Missouri introduced federal anti-lynching legislation that would have made local counties where lynchings took place legally liable for such killings. Throughout the early 1920s, the Dyer Bill was the subject of heated political debate, but, fiercely opposed by southern congressmen and unable to win enough northern champions, the proposed bill was never enacted.\r\n<div class=\"textbox exercises\">\r\n<h3>Link to Learning<\/h3>\r\nTo learn more about the horrors of lynching, watch <a href=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=MKz5BV7k0Tw\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">this clip from\u00a0Black History in Two Minutes or so<\/a>. This <a href=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=ocbAfpjibr4&amp;amp;list=PL8dPuuaLjXtNYJO8JWpXO2JP0ezgxsrJJ&amp;amp;index=21\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">video from CrashCourse Black American History<\/a> also describes more about the courageous and important investigative work conducted by Ida B. Wells about lynching.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<div class=\"textbox tryit\">\r\n<h3>Try It<\/h3>\r\nhttps:\/\/assess.lumenlearning.com\/practice\/4321edc4-07fd-4ab2-841b-4704f9fcfe13\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<h2>More Racial Violence<\/h2>\r\nLynching was not only the form of racial violence that survived Reconstruction. White political violence continued to follow African American political participation and labor organization, however severely circumscribed. When the Populist insurgency created new opportunities for Black political activism, White Democrats responded with terror.\r\n<div class=\"textbox exercises\">\r\n<h3><b>The Wilmington Massacre of 1898<\/b><\/h3>\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_5630\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"403\"]<a href=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/5696\/2021\/11\/28153037\/Black_Wilmington_1898.jpeg\"><img class=\"wp-image-5630 \" src=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/5696\/2021\/11\/28153037\/Black_Wilmington_1898.jpeg\" alt=\"Black men and women in nice clothes posing for a photograph in 1898.\" width=\"403\" height=\"275\" \/><\/a> <strong>Figure 4<\/strong>. These Black citizens of Wilminton posed for a photograph in 1898. Black people were the majority of the population in Wilmington until the massacre of 1898.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nIn North Carolina, Populists and Republicans \u201cfused\u201d together and won stunning electoral gains in 1896. White Democrats were shocked at losing an election for the first time since Reconstruction ended. Remember that during the Reconstruction Era (1865 to 1877), Black southerners had been elected to office and were increasingly participating in the political process. In the beginning of 1867, no African American in the South held political office, but within three or four years \"about 15 percent of the officeholders in the South were Black\u2014a larger proportion than in 1990.\"[footnote]McPherson, James M. (1992). <em>Abraham Lincoln and the Second American Revolution<\/em>. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-507606-6.[\/footnote] Most of those offices were at the local level, though there were 17 Black Congressmen in the early 1870s. This pattern all changed with the end of Reconstruction, however, and most political gains for Black southerners were reversed because of intimidation and racism.\r\n\r\nIn North Carolina, disgruntled farmers and mostly lower-class White voters aligned with the pro-Black Republican party and began to make strides in politics. In response, the White Democrats in North Carolina\u00a0formed \u201cRed Shirt\u201d groups, paramilitary organizations dedicated to eradicating Black political participation and restoring Democratic rule through violence and intimidation. Launching a self-described \u201cWhite supremacy campaign\u201d of violence and intimidation against Black voters and officeholders during the 1898 state elections, the Red Shirts effectively took back state government. But municipal elections were not held that year in Wilmington, where Fusionists controlled the city government.\r\n\r\nBefore the coup, Wilmington had a majority-Black population, with Black people\u00a0accounting for about 55 percent of its roughly 25,000 people. Black people accounted for over 30 percent of Wilmington's skilled craftsmen, such as mechanics, carpenters, jewelers, watchmakers, painters, plasterers, plumbers, stevedores, blacksmiths, masons, and wheelwrights. In addition, they owned ten of the city's 11 restaurants, 90 percent of the city's 22 barbers, and one of the city's four fish and oysters dealerships. Two brothers, Alexander and Frank Manly, owned the <em>Wilmington Daily Record<\/em>, one of the few Black newspapers in the state and reportedly the only Black daily newspaper in the country.\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3842\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"484\"]<a href=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/5696\/2021\/11\/31141454\/Wilmington_vigilantes_B.jpeg\"><img class=\"wp-image-3842 \" src=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/5696\/2021\/11\/31141454\/Wilmington_vigilantes_B.jpeg\" alt=\"Black and white photograph of a mob holding their weapons, proudly standing in front of a burned building.\" width=\"484\" height=\"210\" \/><\/a> <strong>Figure 5<\/strong>.\u00a0 Armed rioters stand in front of the burned-down \"Record\" press building during the Wilmington, N.C. race riot in 1898.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nAfter manning armed barricades blocking Black voters from entering the town to vote in the state elections, the Red Shirts drafted a \u201cWhite Declaration of Independence\u201d which declared \u201cthat that we will no longer be ruled and will never again be ruled, by men of African origin.\u201d Four hundred and fifty-seven White Democrats signed the document. They also issued a twelve-hour ultimatum that the editors of the city\u2019s Black daily paper flee the city. The editors left (and avoided a lynching mob that went to find them that night), but it wasn\u2019t enough.\r\n\r\nAt 8:15 am on election day, November 10, politician and White supremacist leader Alfred Waddell accompanied about 2,000 Red Shirts to Wilmington's armory to get rifles, then headed to the two-story publishing office of <em>The Daily Record<\/em>. For publishing a \"defamatory\" article about White women, the mob broke into the Manley brothers publishing press, vandalized the premises, doused the wood floors with kerosene, set the building on fire, and gutted the remains. At the same time, Black newspapers all over the state were also being destroyed. In addition, Blacks, along with White Republicans, were denied entrance to city centers throughout the state.\r\n\r\nFollowing the fire, white vigilantes went into Black Wilmington neighborhoods, destroying Black businesses and property, and assaulting Black inhabitants. As the violence spread, Waddell led a group to Republican Mayor, Silas P. Wright. Waddell forced Wright, the Board of Aldermen, and the police chief to resign at gunpoint. Around 4:00pm, Waddell was declared Wilmington's mayor ... a position he retained until 1906.\u00a0 To ensure their gains, the Democrats rounded up prominent fusionists, placed them on railroad cars, and, under armed guard, sent them out of the state. The mob installed and swore in their own replacements. It was a full-blown coup.\r\n\r\nIt is estimated that by the end of the day, Waddell's orders led to the murder of between 60 and 300 black people, and to the banishment of about 20 more.\u00a0Along with Alex and Frank G. Manly, the brothers who had owned <em>The Daily Record<\/em>, more than 2,000 blacks left Wilmington permanently, forced to abandon their businesses and properties. This greatly reduced the city's professional and artisan class and changed the formerly Black-majority city into one with a White majority.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<h2>Jim Crow Laws<\/h2>\r\nIt is often supposed that oppressive laws targeting Black Southerners\u2014called the <strong>Jim Crow system\u2014<\/strong>began as soon as federal troops departed the South at the end of Reconstruction. The beginnings of Jim Crow are actually more complicated. Laws mediating social relations between Whites and Blacks actually\u00a0began to surface in the late 1880s and early 1890s, fully fifteen years after Reconstruction ended. Simply put, in order to segregate sidewalks, restaurants, trolleys, and public bathrooms, cities must first be built that could sustain these public amenities. There would, after all, be no need for such laws in the plantation South, where such new developments did not exist and large-scale landowners could dominate local society with impunity.\r\n\r\nDiscrimination in employment and housing and the legal segregation of public and private life also reflected the rise of a new Jim Crow South. Southern states and municipalities enforced racial segregation in public places and in private lives. Separate coach laws were some of the first such laws to appear, beginning in Tennessee in the 1880s. Soon schools, stores, theaters, restaurants, bathrooms, and nearly every other part of public life were segregated. So too were social lives. The sin of racial mixing, critics said, had to be heavily guarded against. Marriage laws regulated against interracial couples, and White men, ever anxious about relationships between Black men and White women, passed <strong>miscegenation<\/strong> laws and justified lynching as an appropriate extralegal tool to police the racial divide.\r\n<h3>Voting Suppression<\/h3>\r\nIn politics, de facto limitations of Black voting had suppressed Black voters since Reconstruction. Whites stuffed ballot boxes and intimidated Black voters with physical and economic threats. And then, from roughly 1890 to 1908, southern states implemented legal,\u00a0<strong>de jure<\/strong> <strong>disenfranchisement<\/strong>. They passed laws requiring voters to pass literacy tests (which could be judged arbitrarily) and pay poll taxes (which hit poor White and poor Black Americans alike), effectively denying Black men the franchise that was supposed to have been guaranteed by the Fifteenth Amendment. By not explicitly mentioning race, these laws followed the letter, if not the spirit, of the Constitution.\u00a0Those responsible for such laws posed as reformers and justified voting restrictions as for the public good, a way to clean up politics by purging corrupt African Americans from the voting rolls.\r\n<h2>The \"Lost Cause\"<\/h2>\r\nWith White supremacy secured, prominent White southerners looked outward for support. New South boosters hoped to confront post-Reconstruction uncertainties by rebuilding the South\u2019s economy and convincing the nation that the South could be more than an economically backward, race-obsessed backwater. And as they did, they began to retell the history of the recent past. A kind of civic religion known as the \u201cLost Cause\u201d glorified the Confederacy and romanticized the Old South. White southerners looked forward while simultaneously harking back to a mythically imagined past inhabited by contented and loyal enslaved people, benevolent and generous masters, chivalric and honorable men, and pure and faithful southern belles. Secession, they said, had little to do with the institution of slavery, and soldiers fought only for home and honor, not the continued ownership of human beings. The New South, then, would be built physically with new technologies, new investments, and new industries, but undergirded by political and social custom.\r\n\r\nHenry Grady might have declared the Confederate South dead, but its memory pervaded the thoughts and actions of White southerners. Lost Cause champions overtook the South. Women\u2019s groups, such as the United Daughters of the Confederacy, joined with Confederate veterans to preserve a pro-Confederate past. They built Confederate monuments and celebrated Confederate veterans on Memorial Day. Across the South, towns erected statues of General Robert E. Lee and other Confederate figures. Alfred Waddell, the White supremacist responsible for the massacre in Wilmington was later\u00a0the keynote speaker at the unveiling of the Confederate monument at the Forsyth County Courthouse, where he was praised as a \"gallant\" soldier and proclaimed: \"I thank God that monuments to the Confederate soldiers are rapidly multiplying in the land. I rejoice in the fact for many reasons, but chiefly because of its significance from one point-of-view.\"[footnote]John Hinton (September 18, 2017). \"HATE OR HERITAGE? Winston-Salem's Confederate monument remains controversial, 100 years after dedication\".[\/footnote]\r\n\r\nBy the turn of the twentieth century, the idealized Lost Cause past was entrenched not only in the South but across the country. In 1905, for instance, North Carolinian Thomas F. Dixon published a novel,\u00a0<em>The Clansman<\/em>, which depicted the Ku Klux Klan as heroic defenders of the South against the corruption of African American and northern \u201ccarpetbag\u201d misrule during Reconstruction. In 1915, acclaimed film director David W. Griffith adapted Dixon\u2019s novel into the groundbreaking blockbuster film,\u00a0<em>Birth of a Nation<\/em>. (The film almost singlehandedly rejuvenated the Ku Klux Klan.) The romanticized version of the antebellum South and the distorted version of Reconstruction dominated popular imagination for decades, manifesting in successful movies such as <em>Gone with the Wind<\/em> (1939) and Disney's <em>Song of the South<\/em> (1946).\r\n<div class=\"textbox tryit\">\r\n<h3>Try It<\/h3>\r\nhttps:\/\/assess.lumenlearning.com\/practice\/9eb1157b-f5de-4d61-bbff-9f5b9517e855\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<div class=\"textbox learning-objectives\">\r\n<h3>Glossary<\/h3>\r\n<strong>Jim Crow system:\u00a0<\/strong>a blanket term given to the legal and cultural framework in the South that separated races and rendered Black Americans as second-class citizens\r\n\r\n<b>miscegenation<\/b><strong style=\"color: #008000;\">:\u00a0<\/strong>a term used critically to describe mixed relationships between races\r\n\r\n<strong>de jure disenfranchisement:\u00a0<\/strong>willful action by the government to limit voting on account of race\r\n\r\n<\/div>","rendered":"<div class=\"textbox learning-objectives\">\n<h3>Learning Outcomes<\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Examine how urbanization and modernization in the South changed its society during the Gilded Age<\/li>\n<li>Explain the\u00a0Jim Crow laws and\u00a0lynchings that discriminated against Black Americans in the South<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div>\n<p>The &#8220;Gilded Age&#8221; often evokes images of crowded, sordid cities in the Northeast. Yet the South was not immune from rapid industrialization either. With the plantation system irrevocably altered by the Civil War and Reconstruction, it became clear that the South must modernize and embrace towns and industry if it hoped to thrive in the late 19th century.<\/p>\n<div id=\"attachment_2186\" style=\"width: 525px\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\"><a href=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/5696\/2021\/11\/18010617\/Kimball-house-1890.jpeg\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" aria-describedby=\"caption-attachment-2186\" class=\"wp-image-2186\" src=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/5696\/2021\/11\/18010617\/Kimball-house-1890.jpeg\" alt=\"A photograph of the impressive Kimball House Hotel.\" width=\"515\" height=\"369\" \/><\/a><\/p>\n<p id=\"caption-attachment-2186\" class=\"wp-caption-text\"><strong>Figure 1<\/strong>. The ambitions of Atlanta, seen in the construction of such grand buildings as the Kimball House Hotel, reflected the larger regional aspirations of the so-called New South. 1890.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<h2>The New South<\/h2>\n<p>\u201cThere was a South of slavery and secession,\u201d\u00a0<em>Atlanta Constitution<\/em>\u00a0editor Henry Grady proclaimed in an 1886 speech in New York. \u201cThat South is dead.\u201d<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Henry Grady, The Complete Orations and Speeches of Henry Grady, ed. Edwin DuBois Shurter (New York: Hinds, Noble and Eldredge, 1910), 7.\" id=\"return-footnote-2185-1\" href=\"#footnote-2185-1\" aria-label=\"Footnote 1\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[1]<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0Grady captured the sentiment of many White southern business and political leaders who imagined a New South that could\u00a0move beyond its\u00a0past by embracing industrialization and diversified agriculture. He promoted the region\u2019s economic possibilities through an alliance of northern capital and southern labor from which both sides might benefit. Grady and other New South boosters hoped to shape the region\u2019s economy in the North\u2019s image. They wanted industry and they wanted infrastructure while maintaining a distinctly southern identity that was proud of its heritage.\u00a0This vision did come to pass, in a fashion. While cities and towns did grow and thrive, the South&#8217;s lineage of racialized violence and social hierarchy would endure.<\/p>\n<p>A \u201cNew South\u201d was desperately needed. The Confederacy\u2019s failed insurrection wreaked havoc on the southern economy and crippled southern prestige. Property was destroyed. Lives were lost. Political power vanished. And four million enslaved Americans\u2014representing the wealth and power of the antebellum White South\u2014threw off their chains and walked proudly forward into freedom.\u00a0Moreover, the North&#8217;s overwhelming advantage in manufacturing and infrastructure played no small role in the Confederacy&#8217;s defeat.<\/p>\n<p>Emancipation unsettled the southern social order. When Reconstruction regimes attempted to grant freedpeople full citizenship rights, anxious White\u00a0southerners\u00a0struck back. From their fear, anger, and resentment they lashed out, not only in organized terrorist organizations such as the Ku Klux Klan but through political corruption, economic exploitation, and violent intimidation. White southerners took back control of state and local governments and used their reclaimed power to disenfranchise African Americans and pass \u201cJim Crow\u201d laws segregating schools, transportation, employment, and various public and private facilities. The re-establishment of White supremacy after the \u201credemption\u201d of the South through Reconstruction contradicted proclamations of a \u201cNew\u201d South. Perhaps nothing\u00a0echoed\u00a0back to the barbaric southern past than the wave of <strong>lynchings<\/strong>\u2014the extralegal (outside of the law) murder of individuals by vigilantes\u2014that washed across the South after Reconstruction. Whether for actual crimes or fabricated crimes or for no crimes at all, White mobs murdered roughly five thousand African Americans between the 1880s and the 1950s.<\/p>\n<div class=\"textbox examples\">\n<h3>Watch It<\/h3>\n<p>This video explains some of the economic woes in the New South during the late nineteenth century and the myth that there was a &#8220;New South.&#8221;<\/p>\n<div style=\"text-align: center;\"><iframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"\/\/plugin.3playmedia.com\/show?mf=8159761&amp;p3sdk_version=1.10.1&amp;p=20361&amp;pt=375&amp;video_id=sqDbY-KUpxI&amp;video_target=tpm-plugin-o63zn3mn-sqDbY-KUpxI\" width=\"800px\" height=\"450px\" frameborder=\"0\" marginwidth=\"0px\" marginheight=\"0px\"><\/iframe><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: center;\">You can view the\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/course-building.s3.us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/US+history+II\/economicwoesofthenewsouth.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">transcript for \u201cEconomic Woes of the New South\u201d here (opens in new window)<\/a>.<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<h2>Economic Development in the South<\/h2>\n<p>New South boosters struggled to wrench the South, ever mindful of its past,\u00a0into the modern world. The railroads became their initial area of focus. The region had lagged behind the North in the railroad building boom of the mid-nineteenth century, and postwar expansion facilitated connections between the most rural segments of the population and the region\u2019s rising urban areas. Boosters campaigned for the construction of new hard-surfaced roads as well, arguing that improved roads would further increase the flow of goods and people and entice northern businesses to\u00a0invest\u00a0in the region.\u00a0Crucially, the South shifted from 5-foot gauges to the standard 4-foot gauges used by the rest of the country in 1886. This may seem like a small change, but it\u00a0drastically expanded\u00a0the economic and social links connecting North and South.\u00a0The rising popularity of the automobile after the turn of the century only increased pressure for the construction of reliable roads between cities, towns, county seats, and the vast farmlands of the South.<\/p>\n<p>Along with new transportation networks, New South boosters continued to promote industrial growth. The region witnessed the rise of various manufacturing industries, predominantly textiles, tobacco, furniture, and steel. Two of the most significant businesses to arise from the New South included the American Tobacco Company of North Carolina\u2014which later evolved into Pall Mall and Lucky Strike cigarettes\u2014and Coca-Cola, headquartered in Atlanta. Northern\u00a0Alabama&#8217;s rich mineral wealth also facilitated a booming iron and steel industry.\u00a0While agriculture, cotton in particular, remained the mainstay of the region\u2019s economy, these new industries provided new wealth for owners, new investments for the region and new opportunities for the exploding number of landless farmers to finally flee the land. Industries offered low-paying jobs but also opportunities for the rural poor who could no longer sustain themselves through subsistence farming. Men, women, and children all moved into wage work. At the turn of the twentieth century, nearly one-fourth of southern mill workers were children aged six to sixteen, and nearly forty percent were women.\u00a0Wages were often only half of what an equivalent worker in a New England mill town might earn.<\/p>\n<p>In most cases, as in most aspects of life in the New South, new factory jobs were racially segregated. Better-paying jobs were reserved for White people, while the most dangerous, labor-intensive, dirtiest, and lowest-paying positions were relegated to Black people. Black women, shut out of most industries, found employment most often as domestic help for White families. As poor as White southern mill workers were, southern Black people were poorer. Some White mill workers could even afford to pay for domestic help in caring for young children, cleaning houses, doing laundry, and cooking meals. Mill villages that grew up alongside factories were Whites-only, and African American families were pushed to the outer perimeter of the settlements.<\/p>\n<div class=\"textbox examples\">\n<h3>Pop goes southern industry<\/h3>\n<p>To this day, Coca-Cola is often seen as the quintessential American consumer product. Its success has a foot in both the New South and the Civil War which preceded it. Wounded while fighting for the Confederacy, John Stith Pemberton became addicted to morphine. Wracked by stomach pain, he attempted to devise\u2014and market\u2014an alternative that did not use morphine. His first attempt was a blatant copy of an existing concoction of French wine and cocaine. When temperance laws in Atlanta banned the sale of alcoholic drinks, Pemberton went back to the drawing board. His solution used liberal amounts of sugar and caffeine, laced with coca leaf extract (not cocaine as the white powder it&#8217;s known as today, but from the same coco plant). The drink was named after this, plus the caffeine and flavoring coming from the cola nut. (The coco leaf extract was eventually removed from the formula and is no longer in the drink today.)<\/p>\n<div style=\"width: 722px\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/upload.wikimedia.org\/wikipedia\/commons\/thumb\/2\/26\/19th_century_Coca-Cola_coupon.jpg\/1280px-19th_century_Coca-Cola_coupon.jpg\" alt=\"Coupon saying &quot;This card entitles you to on glass of free Coca-Cola at the fountain of any dispenser of genuine Coca-Cola.\" width=\"712\" height=\"355\" \/><\/p>\n<p class=\"wp-caption-text\"><strong>Figure 2<\/strong>. By some accounts, this is the first coupon ever printed. This ticket for a free glass of Coca-Cola was first distributed in 1888 to help promote the drink. By 1913, the company had redeemed 8.5 million tickets.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<p>Pemberton died shortly after selling his formula, which soon became wildly popular. Its success was contingent on advertising in mass media, a national rail system, and financial capital to bottle and ship the product on a massive industrial scale. As historian Richard White wrote of Pemberton, &#8220;this casualty of the Old South invented the most famous product of the New South.&#8221;<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Richard White, The Republic for Which It Stands: the United States During Reconstruction and the Gilded Age, 1865-1896. New York: Oxford University Press, 2017, 683.\" id=\"return-footnote-2185-2\" href=\"#footnote-2185-2\" aria-label=\"Footnote 2\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[2]<\/sup><\/a>Pemberton used mass printing to distribute coupons for a free glass of Coca-Cola and made the soft drink ubiquitous by advertising on streetcars and billboards, two novel features in booming Southern cities such as Atlanta.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<h2>Lynching<\/h2>\n<p>Lynching was not just murder, it was a ritual rich with symbolism. Victims were not simply hanged, they were mutilated, burned alive, and shot. Lynchings could become carnivals, public spectacles attended by thousands of eager spectators. Rail lines ran special cars to accommodate the rush of participants. Vendors sold goods and keepsakes. Perpetrators posed for photos and collected mementos. And it was increasingly common. One notorious example occurred in Georgia in 1899. Accused of killing his white employer and raping the man\u2019s wife, Sam Hose was captured by a mob and taken to the town of Newnan. Word of the impending lynching quickly spread, and specially chartered passenger trains brought some four thousand visitors from Atlanta to witness the gruesome affair. Members of the mob tortured Hose for about an hour. They sliced off pieces of his body as he screamed in agony. Then they poured a can of kerosene over his body and burned him alive.<\/p>\n<div id=\"attachment_5626\" style=\"width: 824px\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\"><a href=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/5696\/2021\/11\/28131845\/Lynching-of-will-james.jpg\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" aria-describedby=\"caption-attachment-5626\" class=\"wp-image-5626\" src=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/5696\/2021\/11\/28131845\/Lynching-of-will-james.jpg\" alt=\"Photograph of a huge crown of a thousand onlookers gathering for a lynching.\" width=\"814\" height=\"501\" \/><\/a><\/p>\n<p id=\"caption-attachment-5626\" class=\"wp-caption-text\"><strong>Figure 3<\/strong>. A crowd gathered for the lynching of African American Will James in Cairo, Illinois, on November 11, 1909. Participating in a lynching was seen by some White southerners as both a day&#8217;s entertainment and a chance to defend the honor of White women. Frequently participants collected gruesome mementos or sent postcards depicting victims&#8217; corpses. After Reconstruction, images such as these reinforced the concept that proper order had been restored to a &#8220;redeemed&#8221; South.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<p>At the barbaric height of southern lynching in the last years of the nineteenth century, southerners lynched two to three African Americans every week. In general, lynchings were most frequent in the Cotton Belt of the Lower South, where Black southerners were most numerous and where the majority worked as tenant farmers and field hands on the cotton farms of White landowners. The states of Mississippi and Georgia had the greatest number of recorded lynchings: from 1880 to 1930, Mississippi lynch mobs killed over five hundred African Americans; Georgia mobs murdered more than four hundred.\u00a0Like so many hallmarks of the New South, it had its origins in the antebellum era. At that time, &#8220;slave patrols&#8221; dotted the landscape in search of escapees and possible rebellion. The pursuit and punishment of suspected Black criminals devolved into private hands.<\/p>\n<p>Throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, a number of prominent southerners openly supported lynching, arguing that it was a necessary evil to punish Black rapists and deter others. In the late 1890s, Georgia newspaper columnist and noted women\u2019s rights activist Rebecca Latimer Felton\u2014who would later become the first woman to serve in the U.S. Senate\u2014endorsed such extrajudicial killings. She said, \u201cIf it takes lynching to protect women\u2019s dearest possession from drunken, ravening beasts, then I say lynch a thousand a week.\u201d<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Grace Elizabeth Hale, Making Whiteness: The Culture of Segregation in the South, 1890\u20131940 (New York: Pantheon Books, 1998), 201\" id=\"return-footnote-2185-3\" href=\"#footnote-2185-3\" aria-label=\"Footnote 3\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[3]<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0When opponents argued that lynching violated victims\u2019 constitutional rights, South Carolina governor Coleman Blease angrily responded, \u201cWhenever the Constitution comes between me and the virtue of the White women of South Carolina, I say to hell with the Constitution.\u201d<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Jacquelyn Dowd Hall, Revolt Against Chivalry: Jessie Daniel Ames and the Women\u2019s Campaign Against Lynching (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993), 195.\" id=\"return-footnote-2185-4\" href=\"#footnote-2185-4\" aria-label=\"Footnote 4\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[4]<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0These comments by Felton and Blease underscore how lynching was frequently justified: by appealing to the virtue of White womanhood and portraying these violent deeds as honorable acts of protection.<\/p>\n<h2>Resistance to Lynching<\/h2>\n<p>Black activists and White allies worked to outlaw lynching. Ida B. Wells, an African American woman born in the last years of slavery and a pioneering anti-lynching advocate, lost three friends to a lynch mob in Memphis, Tennessee in 1892. That year, Wells published\u00a0<em>Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases<\/em>, a groundbreaking work that documented the South\u2019s lynching culture and exposed the myth of the Black rapist. She prefaced her work by saying,\u00a0\u201cSomebody must show that the Afro-American race is more sinned against than sinning, and it seems to have fallen upon me to do so.\u201d<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"Ida B. Wells, Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases (1892)\" id=\"return-footnote-2185-5\" href=\"#footnote-2185-5\" aria-label=\"Footnote 5\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[5]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p>The Tuskegee Institute and the NAACP both compiled and publicized lists of every reported lynching in the United States. In 1918, Representative Leonidas Dyer of Missouri introduced federal anti-lynching legislation that would have made local counties where lynchings took place legally liable for such killings. Throughout the early 1920s, the Dyer Bill was the subject of heated political debate, but, fiercely opposed by southern congressmen and unable to win enough northern champions, the proposed bill was never enacted.<\/p>\n<div class=\"textbox exercises\">\n<h3>Link to Learning<\/h3>\n<p>To learn more about the horrors of lynching, watch <a href=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=MKz5BV7k0Tw\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">this clip from\u00a0Black History in Two Minutes or so<\/a>. This <a href=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=ocbAfpjibr4&amp;amp;list=PL8dPuuaLjXtNYJO8JWpXO2JP0ezgxsrJJ&amp;amp;index=21\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">video from CrashCourse Black American History<\/a> also describes more about the courageous and important investigative work conducted by Ida B. Wells about lynching.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"textbox tryit\">\n<h3>Try It<\/h3>\n<p>\t<iframe id=\"assessment_practice_4321edc4-07fd-4ab2-841b-4704f9fcfe13\" class=\"resizable\" src=\"https:\/\/assess.lumenlearning.com\/practice\/4321edc4-07fd-4ab2-841b-4704f9fcfe13?iframe_resize_id=assessment_practice_id_4321edc4-07fd-4ab2-841b-4704f9fcfe13\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;width:100%;height:100%;min-height:300px;\"><br \/>\n\t<\/iframe><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<h2>More Racial Violence<\/h2>\n<p>Lynching was not only the form of racial violence that survived Reconstruction. White political violence continued to follow African American political participation and labor organization, however severely circumscribed. When the Populist insurgency created new opportunities for Black political activism, White Democrats responded with terror.<\/p>\n<div class=\"textbox exercises\">\n<h3><b>The Wilmington Massacre of 1898<\/b><\/h3>\n<div id=\"attachment_5630\" style=\"width: 413px\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\"><a href=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/5696\/2021\/11\/28153037\/Black_Wilmington_1898.jpeg\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" aria-describedby=\"caption-attachment-5630\" class=\"wp-image-5630\" src=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/5696\/2021\/11\/28153037\/Black_Wilmington_1898.jpeg\" alt=\"Black men and women in nice clothes posing for a photograph in 1898.\" width=\"403\" height=\"275\" \/><\/a><\/p>\n<p id=\"caption-attachment-5630\" class=\"wp-caption-text\"><strong>Figure 4<\/strong>. These Black citizens of Wilminton posed for a photograph in 1898. Black people were the majority of the population in Wilmington until the massacre of 1898.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<p>In North Carolina, Populists and Republicans \u201cfused\u201d together and won stunning electoral gains in 1896. White Democrats were shocked at losing an election for the first time since Reconstruction ended. Remember that during the Reconstruction Era (1865 to 1877), Black southerners had been elected to office and were increasingly participating in the political process. In the beginning of 1867, no African American in the South held political office, but within three or four years &#8220;about 15 percent of the officeholders in the South were Black\u2014a larger proportion than in 1990.&#8221;<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"McPherson, James M. (1992). Abraham Lincoln and the Second American Revolution. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-507606-6.\" id=\"return-footnote-2185-6\" href=\"#footnote-2185-6\" aria-label=\"Footnote 6\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[6]<\/sup><\/a> Most of those offices were at the local level, though there were 17 Black Congressmen in the early 1870s. This pattern all changed with the end of Reconstruction, however, and most political gains for Black southerners were reversed because of intimidation and racism.<\/p>\n<p>In North Carolina, disgruntled farmers and mostly lower-class White voters aligned with the pro-Black Republican party and began to make strides in politics. In response, the White Democrats in North Carolina\u00a0formed \u201cRed Shirt\u201d groups, paramilitary organizations dedicated to eradicating Black political participation and restoring Democratic rule through violence and intimidation. Launching a self-described \u201cWhite supremacy campaign\u201d of violence and intimidation against Black voters and officeholders during the 1898 state elections, the Red Shirts effectively took back state government. But municipal elections were not held that year in Wilmington, where Fusionists controlled the city government.<\/p>\n<p>Before the coup, Wilmington had a majority-Black population, with Black people\u00a0accounting for about 55 percent of its roughly 25,000 people. Black people accounted for over 30 percent of Wilmington&#8217;s skilled craftsmen, such as mechanics, carpenters, jewelers, watchmakers, painters, plasterers, plumbers, stevedores, blacksmiths, masons, and wheelwrights. In addition, they owned ten of the city&#8217;s 11 restaurants, 90 percent of the city&#8217;s 22 barbers, and one of the city&#8217;s four fish and oysters dealerships. Two brothers, Alexander and Frank Manly, owned the <em>Wilmington Daily Record<\/em>, one of the few Black newspapers in the state and reportedly the only Black daily newspaper in the country.<\/p>\n<div id=\"attachment_3842\" style=\"width: 494px\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\"><a href=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/5696\/2021\/11\/31141454\/Wilmington_vigilantes_B.jpeg\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" aria-describedby=\"caption-attachment-3842\" class=\"wp-image-3842\" src=\"https:\/\/s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com\/courses-images\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/5696\/2021\/11\/31141454\/Wilmington_vigilantes_B.jpeg\" alt=\"Black and white photograph of a mob holding their weapons, proudly standing in front of a burned building.\" width=\"484\" height=\"210\" \/><\/a><\/p>\n<p id=\"caption-attachment-3842\" class=\"wp-caption-text\"><strong>Figure 5<\/strong>.\u00a0 Armed rioters stand in front of the burned-down &#8220;Record&#8221; press building during the Wilmington, N.C. race riot in 1898.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<p>After manning armed barricades blocking Black voters from entering the town to vote in the state elections, the Red Shirts drafted a \u201cWhite Declaration of Independence\u201d which declared \u201cthat that we will no longer be ruled and will never again be ruled, by men of African origin.\u201d Four hundred and fifty-seven White Democrats signed the document. They also issued a twelve-hour ultimatum that the editors of the city\u2019s Black daily paper flee the city. The editors left (and avoided a lynching mob that went to find them that night), but it wasn\u2019t enough.<\/p>\n<p>At 8:15 am on election day, November 10, politician and White supremacist leader Alfred Waddell accompanied about 2,000 Red Shirts to Wilmington&#8217;s armory to get rifles, then headed to the two-story publishing office of <em>The Daily Record<\/em>. For publishing a &#8220;defamatory&#8221; article about White women, the mob broke into the Manley brothers publishing press, vandalized the premises, doused the wood floors with kerosene, set the building on fire, and gutted the remains. At the same time, Black newspapers all over the state were also being destroyed. In addition, Blacks, along with White Republicans, were denied entrance to city centers throughout the state.<\/p>\n<p>Following the fire, white vigilantes went into Black Wilmington neighborhoods, destroying Black businesses and property, and assaulting Black inhabitants. As the violence spread, Waddell led a group to Republican Mayor, Silas P. Wright. Waddell forced Wright, the Board of Aldermen, and the police chief to resign at gunpoint. Around 4:00pm, Waddell was declared Wilmington&#8217;s mayor &#8230; a position he retained until 1906.\u00a0 To ensure their gains, the Democrats rounded up prominent fusionists, placed them on railroad cars, and, under armed guard, sent them out of the state. The mob installed and swore in their own replacements. It was a full-blown coup.<\/p>\n<p>It is estimated that by the end of the day, Waddell&#8217;s orders led to the murder of between 60 and 300 black people, and to the banishment of about 20 more.\u00a0Along with Alex and Frank G. Manly, the brothers who had owned <em>The Daily Record<\/em>, more than 2,000 blacks left Wilmington permanently, forced to abandon their businesses and properties. This greatly reduced the city&#8217;s professional and artisan class and changed the formerly Black-majority city into one with a White majority.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<h2>Jim Crow Laws<\/h2>\n<p>It is often supposed that oppressive laws targeting Black Southerners\u2014called the <strong>Jim Crow system\u2014<\/strong>began as soon as federal troops departed the South at the end of Reconstruction. The beginnings of Jim Crow are actually more complicated. Laws mediating social relations between Whites and Blacks actually\u00a0began to surface in the late 1880s and early 1890s, fully fifteen years after Reconstruction ended. Simply put, in order to segregate sidewalks, restaurants, trolleys, and public bathrooms, cities must first be built that could sustain these public amenities. There would, after all, be no need for such laws in the plantation South, where such new developments did not exist and large-scale landowners could dominate local society with impunity.<\/p>\n<p>Discrimination in employment and housing and the legal segregation of public and private life also reflected the rise of a new Jim Crow South. Southern states and municipalities enforced racial segregation in public places and in private lives. Separate coach laws were some of the first such laws to appear, beginning in Tennessee in the 1880s. Soon schools, stores, theaters, restaurants, bathrooms, and nearly every other part of public life were segregated. So too were social lives. The sin of racial mixing, critics said, had to be heavily guarded against. Marriage laws regulated against interracial couples, and White men, ever anxious about relationships between Black men and White women, passed <strong>miscegenation<\/strong> laws and justified lynching as an appropriate extralegal tool to police the racial divide.<\/p>\n<h3>Voting Suppression<\/h3>\n<p>In politics, de facto limitations of Black voting had suppressed Black voters since Reconstruction. Whites stuffed ballot boxes and intimidated Black voters with physical and economic threats. And then, from roughly 1890 to 1908, southern states implemented legal,\u00a0<strong>de jure<\/strong> <strong>disenfranchisement<\/strong>. They passed laws requiring voters to pass literacy tests (which could be judged arbitrarily) and pay poll taxes (which hit poor White and poor Black Americans alike), effectively denying Black men the franchise that was supposed to have been guaranteed by the Fifteenth Amendment. By not explicitly mentioning race, these laws followed the letter, if not the spirit, of the Constitution.\u00a0Those responsible for such laws posed as reformers and justified voting restrictions as for the public good, a way to clean up politics by purging corrupt African Americans from the voting rolls.<\/p>\n<h2>The &#8220;Lost Cause&#8221;<\/h2>\n<p>With White supremacy secured, prominent White southerners looked outward for support. New South boosters hoped to confront post-Reconstruction uncertainties by rebuilding the South\u2019s economy and convincing the nation that the South could be more than an economically backward, race-obsessed backwater. And as they did, they began to retell the history of the recent past. A kind of civic religion known as the \u201cLost Cause\u201d glorified the Confederacy and romanticized the Old South. White southerners looked forward while simultaneously harking back to a mythically imagined past inhabited by contented and loyal enslaved people, benevolent and generous masters, chivalric and honorable men, and pure and faithful southern belles. Secession, they said, had little to do with the institution of slavery, and soldiers fought only for home and honor, not the continued ownership of human beings. The New South, then, would be built physically with new technologies, new investments, and new industries, but undergirded by political and social custom.<\/p>\n<p>Henry Grady might have declared the Confederate South dead, but its memory pervaded the thoughts and actions of White southerners. Lost Cause champions overtook the South. Women\u2019s groups, such as the United Daughters of the Confederacy, joined with Confederate veterans to preserve a pro-Confederate past. They built Confederate monuments and celebrated Confederate veterans on Memorial Day. Across the South, towns erected statues of General Robert E. Lee and other Confederate figures. Alfred Waddell, the White supremacist responsible for the massacre in Wilmington was later\u00a0the keynote speaker at the unveiling of the Confederate monument at the Forsyth County Courthouse, where he was praised as a &#8220;gallant&#8221; soldier and proclaimed: &#8220;I thank God that monuments to the Confederate soldiers are rapidly multiplying in the land. I rejoice in the fact for many reasons, but chiefly because of its significance from one point-of-view.&#8221;<a class=\"footnote\" title=\"John Hinton (September 18, 2017). &quot;HATE OR HERITAGE? Winston-Salem's Confederate monument remains controversial, 100 years after dedication&quot;.\" id=\"return-footnote-2185-7\" href=\"#footnote-2185-7\" aria-label=\"Footnote 7\"><sup class=\"footnote\">[7]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p>By the turn of the twentieth century, the idealized Lost Cause past was entrenched not only in the South but across the country. In 1905, for instance, North Carolinian Thomas F. Dixon published a novel,\u00a0<em>The Clansman<\/em>, which depicted the Ku Klux Klan as heroic defenders of the South against the corruption of African American and northern \u201ccarpetbag\u201d misrule during Reconstruction. In 1915, acclaimed film director David W. Griffith adapted Dixon\u2019s novel into the groundbreaking blockbuster film,\u00a0<em>Birth of a Nation<\/em>. (The film almost singlehandedly rejuvenated the Ku Klux Klan.) The romanticized version of the antebellum South and the distorted version of Reconstruction dominated popular imagination for decades, manifesting in successful movies such as <em>Gone with the Wind<\/em> (1939) and Disney&#8217;s <em>Song of the South<\/em> (1946).<\/p>\n<div class=\"textbox tryit\">\n<h3>Try It<\/h3>\n<p>\t<iframe id=\"assessment_practice_9eb1157b-f5de-4d61-bbff-9f5b9517e855\" class=\"resizable\" src=\"https:\/\/assess.lumenlearning.com\/practice\/9eb1157b-f5de-4d61-bbff-9f5b9517e855?iframe_resize_id=assessment_practice_id_9eb1157b-f5de-4d61-bbff-9f5b9517e855\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;width:100%;height:100%;min-height:300px;\"><br \/>\n\t<\/iframe><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"textbox learning-objectives\">\n<h3>Glossary<\/h3>\n<p><strong>Jim Crow system:\u00a0<\/strong>a blanket term given to the legal and cultural framework in the South that separated races and rendered Black Americans as second-class citizens<\/p>\n<p><b>miscegenation<\/b><strong style=\"color: #008000;\">:\u00a0<\/strong>a term used critically to describe mixed relationships between races<\/p>\n<p><strong>de jure disenfranchisement:\u00a0<\/strong>willful action by the government to limit voting on account of race<\/p>\n<\/div>\n\n\t\t\t <section class=\"citations-section\" role=\"contentinfo\">\n\t\t\t <h3>Candela Citations<\/h3>\n\t\t\t\t\t <div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t <div id=\"citation-list-2185\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t <div class=\"licensing\"><div class=\"license-attribution-dropdown-subheading\">CC licensed content, Original<\/div><ul class=\"citation-list\"><li>Modification, adaptation, and original content. <strong>Authored by<\/strong>: Mark Lempke for Lumen Learning. <strong>Provided by<\/strong>: Lumen Learning. <strong>License<\/strong>: <em><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"license\" href=\"https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/licenses\/by-sa\/4.0\/\">CC BY-SA: Attribution-ShareAlike<\/a><\/em><\/li><\/ul><div class=\"license-attribution-dropdown-subheading\">CC licensed content, Shared previously<\/div><ul class=\"citation-list\"><li>Life in Industrial America. <strong>Provided by<\/strong>: The American Yawp. <strong>Located at<\/strong>: <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.americanyawp.com\/text\/18-industrial-america\/http:\/\/www.americanyawp.com\/text\/18-industrial-america\/\">http:\/\/www.americanyawp.com\/text\/18-industrial-america\/http:\/\/www.americanyawp.com\/text\/18-industrial-america\/<\/a>. <strong>License<\/strong>: <em><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"license\" href=\"https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/licenses\/by-sa\/4.0\/\">CC BY-SA: Attribution-ShareAlike<\/a><\/em><\/li><li>US History. <strong>Provided by<\/strong>: OpenStax. <strong>Located at<\/strong>: <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/openstaxcollege.org\/textbooks\/us-history\">http:\/\/openstaxcollege.org\/textbooks\/us-history<\/a>. <strong>License<\/strong>: <em><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"license\" href=\"https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/licenses\/by\/4.0\/\">CC BY: Attribution<\/a><\/em>. <strong>License Terms<\/strong>: Access for free at https:\/\/openstax.org\/books\/us-history\/pages\/1-introduction<\/li><li>The New South and the Problem of Race. <strong>Provided by<\/strong>: The American Yawp. <strong>Located at<\/strong>: <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.americanyawp.com\/text\/18-industrial-america\/#IV_The_New_South_and_the_Problem_of_Race\">http:\/\/www.americanyawp.com\/text\/18-industrial-america\/#IV_The_New_South_and_the_Problem_of_Race<\/a>. <strong>License<\/strong>: <em><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"license\" href=\"https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/licenses\/by-sa\/4.0\/\">CC BY-SA: Attribution-ShareAlike<\/a><\/em><\/li><li>Wilmington insurrection of 1898. <strong>Provided by<\/strong>: Wikipedia. <strong>Located at<\/strong>: <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Wilmington_insurrection_of_1898\">https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Wilmington_insurrection_of_1898<\/a>. <strong>License<\/strong>: <em><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"license\" href=\"https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/licenses\/by-sa\/4.0\/\">CC BY-SA: Attribution-ShareAlike<\/a><\/em><\/li><li>Recontruction Era. <strong>Provided by<\/strong>: Wikipedia. <strong>Located at<\/strong>: <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Reconstruction_era#CITEREFMcPherson1992\">https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Reconstruction_era#CITEREFMcPherson1992<\/a>. <strong>License<\/strong>: <em><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"license\" href=\"https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/licenses\/by-sa\/4.0\/\">CC BY-SA: Attribution-ShareAlike<\/a><\/em><\/li><li>John Pemberton. <strong>Provided by<\/strong>: Wikipedia. <strong>Located at<\/strong>: <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/John_Stith_Pemberton\">https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/John_Stith_Pemberton<\/a>. <strong>License<\/strong>: <em><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"license\" href=\"https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/licenses\/by-sa\/4.0\/\">CC BY-SA: Attribution-ShareAlike<\/a><\/em><\/li><\/ul><div class=\"license-attribution-dropdown-subheading\">All rights reserved content<\/div><ul class=\"citation-list\"><li>Economic Woes of the New South. <strong>Provided by<\/strong>: NBC News Learn. <strong>Located at<\/strong>: <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=sqDbY-KUpxI&#038;t=66s\">https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=sqDbY-KUpxI&#038;t=66s<\/a>. <strong>License<\/strong>: <em>Other<\/em>. <strong>License Terms<\/strong>: Standard YouTube License<\/li><\/ul><div class=\"license-attribution-dropdown-subheading\">Public domain content<\/div><ul class=\"citation-list\"><li>Wilmington Race Riots. <strong>Authored by<\/strong>: MagentaGreen. <strong>Provided by<\/strong>: Wikipedia. <strong>Located at<\/strong>: <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Wilmington_insurrection_of_1898#\/media\/File:Wilmington_vigilantes_B.jpg\">https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Wilmington_insurrection_of_1898#\/media\/File:Wilmington_vigilantes_B.jpg<\/a>. <strong>License<\/strong>: <em><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"license\" href=\"https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/about\/pdm\">Public Domain: No Known Copyright<\/a><\/em><\/li><li>Kimball House. <strong>Provided by<\/strong>: Wikipedia. <strong>Located at<\/strong>: <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Kimball_House_(Atlanta)#\/media\/File:Kimball-house-1890.JPG\">https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Kimball_House_(Atlanta)#\/media\/File:Kimball-house-1890.JPG<\/a>. <strong>License<\/strong>: <em><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"license\" href=\"https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/about\/pdm\">Public Domain: No Known Copyright<\/a><\/em><\/li><li>Coca-Cola Company coupon. <strong>Provided by<\/strong>: Wikipedia. <strong>Located at<\/strong>: <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Coca-Cola#\/media\/File:19th_century_Coca-Cola_coupon.jpg\">https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Coca-Cola#\/media\/File:19th_century_Coca-Cola_coupon.jpg<\/a>. <strong>License<\/strong>: <em><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"license\" href=\"https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/about\/pdm\">Public Domain: No Known Copyright<\/a><\/em><\/li><li>African Americans in Wilmington, 1898. <strong>Provided by<\/strong>: Wikipedia. <strong>Located at<\/strong>: <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Wilmington_insurrection_of_1898#\/media\/File:Black_Wilmington_1898.jpg\">https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Wilmington_insurrection_of_1898#\/media\/File:Black_Wilmington_1898.jpg<\/a>. <strong>License<\/strong>: <em><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"license\" href=\"https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/about\/pdm\">Public Domain: No Known Copyright<\/a><\/em><\/li><\/ul><\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t <\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t <\/div>\n\t\t\t <\/section><hr class=\"before-footnotes clear\" \/><div class=\"footnotes\"><ol><li id=\"footnote-2185-1\">Henry Grady, The Complete Orations and Speeches of Henry Grady, ed. Edwin DuBois Shurter (New York: Hinds, Noble and Eldredge, 1910), 7. <a href=\"#return-footnote-2185-1\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 1\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-2185-2\">Richard White, The Republic for Which It Stands: the United States During Reconstruction and the Gilded Age, 1865-1896. New York: Oxford University Press, 2017, 683. <a href=\"#return-footnote-2185-2\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 2\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-2185-3\">Grace Elizabeth Hale, Making Whiteness: The Culture of Segregation in the South, 1890\u20131940 (New York: Pantheon Books, 1998), 201 <a href=\"#return-footnote-2185-3\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 3\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-2185-4\">Jacquelyn Dowd Hall, Revolt Against Chivalry: Jessie Daniel Ames and the Women\u2019s Campaign Against Lynching (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993), 195. <a href=\"#return-footnote-2185-4\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 4\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-2185-5\">Ida B. Wells, <em>Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases<\/em> (1892) <a href=\"#return-footnote-2185-5\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 5\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-2185-6\">McPherson, James M. (1992). <em>Abraham Lincoln and the Second American Revolution<\/em>. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-507606-6. <a href=\"#return-footnote-2185-6\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 6\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><li id=\"footnote-2185-7\">John Hinton (September 18, 2017). \"HATE OR HERITAGE? Winston-Salem's Confederate monument remains controversial, 100 years after dedication\". <a href=\"#return-footnote-2185-7\" class=\"return-footnote\" aria-label=\"Return to footnote 7\">&crarr;<\/a><\/li><\/ol><\/div>","protected":false},"author":169554,"menu_order":12,"template":"","meta":{"_candela_citation":"[{\"type\":\"cc\",\"description\":\"Life in Industrial America\",\"author\":\"\",\"organization\":\"The American Yawp\",\"url\":\"http:\/\/www.americanyawp.com\/text\/18-industrial-america\/http:\/\/www.americanyawp.com\/text\/18-industrial-america\/\",\"project\":\"\",\"license\":\"cc-by-sa\",\"license_terms\":\"\"},{\"type\":\"cc\",\"description\":\"US History\",\"author\":\"\",\"organization\":\"OpenStax\",\"url\":\"http:\/\/openstaxcollege.org\/textbooks\/us-history\",\"project\":\"\",\"license\":\"cc-by\",\"license_terms\":\"Access for free at https:\/\/openstax.org\/books\/us-history\/pages\/1-introduction\"},{\"type\":\"pd\",\"description\":\"Wilmington Race 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