Changes in the Developing World

In the developing world, the last fifty years witnessed a revival of religion, increased nationalism, and unequal distribution of development. The elites of the developing world continued to live in grand fashion, consuming Western imports and traveling abroad for everything from vacations to medical visits. However, the poor in much of the developing world witnessed little change:their lives remained precarious, they were denied political power, and fought for access to social services and education. Nationalism or religion seemed to be the solution.

Iran enjoyed a decade of modernization and prosperity. Over the course of the 1970s, the kingdom under the Shah, Mohammad Reza Shah, made a great deal of money. Oil revenue hit $885 million in 1974, then skyrocketed to $17.8 billion. The economy grew by an astounding 42% in 1974. However, many of those who migrated to the city were unsure of themselves, their place in society, and the future. In addition, they disliked the loss of parental authority, religions values, prostitution, drug addiction, and alcoholism around them. Many became more religious over the decade as they attempted to make sense of their new world. College graduates could not find jobs. As inflation set in, many became increasingly upset regarding the policies of the Shah. The growth did not seem to benefit everyone. In the late 1970s, strikes crippled the oil industry. Meanwhile, Ayatollah Khomeini grew in support from across Iranian society. In contrast to the Shah, he was seen as incorruptible, religious, and an example of simple, pure living. Eventually, the Shah was overthrown, he fled city as Khomeini took power and established the Revolutionary Government of Iran.

Iranian youths in favor of revolution

Figure 7: Iranian Youths in Favor of the Revolution

Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (1900-89): The Uprising of Khurdad 15, 1979: But as for those who want to divert our movement from its course, who have in mind treachery against Islam and the nation, who consider Islam incapable of running the affairs of our country despite its record of 1400 years—they have nothing at all to do with our people, and this must be made clear. How much you talk about the West, claiming that we must measure Islam in accordance with Western criteria! What an error! It was the mosques that created this Revolution, the mosques that brought this movement into being. The mihrab was a place not only for preaching, but also for war–war against both the devil within and the tyrannical powers without. So preserve your mosques, O people. Intellectuals, do not be Western-style intellectuals, imported intellectuals; do your share to preserve the mosques!

Iranian women protesting for political reform.

Figure 8: Iranian Women in Favor of the Revolution

As the Cold War ended, international organizations and especially the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank (WB), pressured African governments for change and provided a different ideology to the developing world. Their main goal was to end the problems that plagued African and Asian economies during the 1960s and 1970s; and spur the development of these economies. The other goal was to limit the overspending of local leaders who plunged their countries into debt with limited results and slow economic growth. The goal was to limit the authoritarian trend of many leaders in the developing world who suppressed democratic rights. This was in contrast to the views of the 1960s where such strong leaders were considered good. For example, in Zaire, the state employed almost 500,000 people in jobs that were given largely for political purposes, doing the work that the World Bank estimated could be done by 50,000 people. The financial sector was regulated by more people than those who worked in it.

SAPS (structural adjustment programs) were aimed at limiting the role of the state and to define the role of the state and the extent of its involvement in the local economy; including bloated state bureaucracies and companies known as parastatals. They pushed for the overall liberalization of the economy, including currency devaluation and floating exchange rates, elimination of state subsidies, and the end of any protection to domestic industries. The goal was to promote economic development through the maximum extraction of exports, mostly raw materials, the freedom to import material, and create conditions to attract direct foreign investment.

Contrary to their idealistic and beneficial goals, several factors limited their effective implementation and the effects on the poor were severe. Told to support the privatization and cut back in the provision of social services to citizens, politicians failed to secure the highest prices for state industries. Moreover, other state corporations such as water and electricity companies were sold to friends in exchange for political support or for kickbacks. The currency fluctuation made needed imports, especially oil, more expensive, even as the currencies of developing nations generally declined in value over time. Borrowing money also became more expensive, limiting economic growth. The result was that life became more expensive for the poor, especially for basic items such as food and water. In essence, both the poor and the working class suffered as a result of these policies. However, the emergence of an African middle class since 2000, although 20 years after the implementation of SAPS, demonstrates some success of the policies.

Display of skulls of the Rwandan Genocide victims.

Figure 9: Victims of the Rwandan Genocide

In 1994, genocide broke out in Rwanda. The mostly poor and more agrarian Hutu population attacked the mostly better educated and wealthier Tutsi population. The hatred between these communities had been simmering since the colonial times. The colonial state had favored the Tutsi while discriminating against the Hutu by denying them education and rights. Influenced by extreme nationalist leaders, 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus were hunted down and killed over a hundred-day period. The UN was reluctant to intervene and due to an unclear mandate thus the violence continued for several weeks unabated. Only the invasion of the country from the north by a Tutsi-based militia stopped the genocide, and formed a new government.However, the ensuing refugee crisis as Hutus fled destabilized the entire region and led to further conflict in the eastern regions of the Democratic Republic of Congo.

The state cutbacks, continued corruption, drought and famine, combined with a decline of centralized authority sparked violence throughout the continent. A civil war in Liberia spilled over into Sierra Leone with warlord Charles Taylor making use of child soldiers and the diamond rich areas to fund violence. Other countries experienced internal threats as well. For example, Angola fought a low-level but long-lasting civil war involving diamonds and land mines; while Uganda faced off against the Lord’s Resistance Army, eventually sparking the global phenomenon of the Kony2012 youtube video.

After realizing that the system of discrimination and segregation against its African citizens was failing, the economy was struggling, armed resistance was increasing, and that the country was becoming an international pariah, the South African government started a series of negotiations between 1990 and 1993 with the African National Congress (ANC). The aim was to reform the system and to pave way for the African self-rule. Long-term prisoners such as Nelson Mandela were freed. In 1994, free elections were held for the first time with the ANC winning 64% of the votes and Mandela becoming the first African president. A new constitution was enacted in 1995 and a Truth and Reconciliation Commission was established, using the idea of restorative justice, to uncover crimes and abuses committed during the apartheid era. However, while Africans obtained political power, only a few benefited economically. Reforms were implemented to alleviate suffering from limited educational opportunities, poor housing and living conditions, and lack of access to health care. However, diseases such as HIV/AIDS remained ignored as they continued to ravage the population. In 2015, for example, 55% of the population or 30 million people still lived in poverty and the management and control of most businesses remained with the South African white population. A political revolution occurred with little economic change. This is so that by 2015, 9 out of every 10 poor people in South Africa, about 93 percent, were black.

The state cutbacks, especially in terms of health care and schooling, combined with SAP policies created the perfect conditions for the spread of HIV/AIDS. HIV/AIDS followed the trade routes, especially truckers, young miners returning home, and the young men in cities. The overall lack of economic opportunities and limited access to education forced more women into prostitution. The conflicts and the movement of soldiers only served to further spread the disease.

The increasingly high numbers of those infected created a problem that overwhelmed local health centers and left the states unable to effectively respond, especially in Africa where more than two-thirds of those inflicted, about 35 million people, lived. The rate of infection peaked in the late 1990s; the number kept increasing and by 2015 it had risen to over 36 million people. In 2004 and 2005, 2 million people died in Africa alone. Nevertheless, the number of people who die of AIDS has been declining ever since.

Map of Africa displaying the prevalence of HIV among African youth. It is most prevalent in southern Africa.

Figure 10: The Prevalence of HIV Among African Youth

A women, Ntombi, infected with HIV remembers: “I was in shock. All I could think about was how can this happen to me and why. I was in denial. I was still young and my future was bright. At that moment, I didn’t care about the baby. But after a while, I started losing weight fast, then I start hearing about people around my age group dying of AID,s and I started freaking out…Sometimes I feel I am not ready to die. My wish is to be with my family, especially my daughters, for years to come. I was never mad at him for infecting me. I was mad at him for not wanting to talk to me afterwards; but now I have made peace. I have a supporting family, boyfriend, and friends who don’t judge me. I take my treatment (ARVs) every day and I’m looking forward to a longer life. I’m 36 years old now. It was 10 years ago when I [tested positive]. Look at me, I’m still here.”

The state cutbacks and need for services provide a space for both global and local non-government organizations (NGOs) to emerge, mainly to provide health and educational services. Soon, often well funded, and at times religious-based, international NGOS were providing local services. These global NGOs began competing with each other as they fought for the power to influence national agendas. Soon, the developing world, especially in sub-Saharan Africa, were full of NGOs, sometimes fulfilling the role of the state.

The establishment of new transnational connections in the late 1980s and early 1990s helped reinvigorate female political activities and gave new encouragement to female activists. New technology, especially the widespread use of mobile phones, greater support from international non-governmental organizations, and increased Western aid helped further female activism and organizational capabilities. Additionally, women took advantage of the political liberalization of society to form new organizations independent of national political parties and political patronage. Taking advantage of the stability of the post-conflict society, women participated in the writing of constitutions and agitated for lasting peace between warring parties. Since 2000, women political activists have been especially active both within and outside of the government. Females campaigned for presidents in unprecedented numbers, were involved at ministerial levels in government, led political parties, and played major roles as local political leaders. Female activists, increasingly associated with non-governmental organizations, are leading campaigns against forced marriage, female genital mutilation, and domestic violence along with a strong agitation for gender equality. The last decade has witnessed greater female political participation and activism than in the past; female activists are enjoying increased importance throughout the continent.